Het Calvinisme: Zes Stone-lezingen Calvinism: Six Stone Lectures (1898) Calvinism: Six Stone Lectures Calvinismo Христианское мировоззрение

Eerste lezing.

First Lecture.

First Lecture.

Primeira Palestra

Первая лекция

Het Calvinisme in de Historie

Calvinism In History

Calvinism a Life-system

O Calvinismo Como Sistema de Vida

Кальвинизм как система воззрений на мир

1 M. H. Wie van het vasteland van Europa overgekomen voet aan wal zet in deze nieuwe wereld, voelt, gelijk de Psalmist zegt, “de gedachten in zich vermenigvuldigen.” Vergeleken bij de bruisende wateren van den stroom des levens, die hier zoo snel trekt en zuigt, vliet het leven dat hij achterliet, zoo traag, zoo gestremd, schijnt soms zoo bijna bevroren. Hij ontwaart, hoe hier potenzen van menschelijk leven opbloeiden, die zijn oude wereld nog niet, of althans niet in die mate tot ontwikkeling kon brengen, en alles spelt hem nu reeds hoe in wat dusver ontlook, profetie ligt van nóg rijker ontplooiing. Longfellow’s Excelsior wordt eerst hier op Amerika’s bodem verstaan. Niet dat ik daarom de voorkeur vergeet, die in menig opzicht die oude wereld nog kan doen gelden. Wie uit Europa komt, voelt zich ouder, maar ook historisch meer gevormd, drager van een gradueel achterlijk, maar in zijn soort rijper ontwikkeld leven. Het is hier nog de weelde van den lentetijd, in Europa meer de rijpheid van den herfst. Maar toch, al spoedt de trein des levens zich hier sneller voort, en al zijt gij ons reeds tot een ver verwijderd station vooruitgestoomd, toch voelen we beiden saâm, dat het één leven is, dat gij hier en wij ginds doorleven. Het ééne leven der menschheid, dat uit Azië naar Europa toog, dwars door Europa van de Levant naar het Westen drong, en thans in Amerika nogmaals van het Oosten naar het Westen voortstuwde. Eén menschelijk leven in ongestoorde ontwikkeling zich voortbewegend, en daarbij voor u en mij in nog enger zin één door gemeenschappelijken oorsprong. Gij toch zijt voortgekomen uit datzelfde Europa, waarin ons lot viel en bleef, en 2 daarom vleesch van ons vleesch en been van ons been. De historische bakermat van uw wonderbaar leven wordt nog in het oude Europa, niet het minst in Nederland, bewaakt.

1 A traveller from the old European Continent, disembarking on the shore of this New World, feels as the Psalmist says, "his thoughts crowd upon him like a multitude". Compared with the eddying waters of this new stream of life, the old stream, in which he has moved seems, almost frostbound and dull; and while at home the stealing phantom of approaching Social Death now and then made him shiver for the horrors of the future, here the rippling and sparkling waves around him speak of an everhigher development of human life to come. Here, on American ground, he catches at once the magic spirit of Longfellow's "Excelsior". Here, for the first time, he realizes how so many divine potencies, hidden away in the bosom of mankind from our very creation, but which our old world was incapable of developing, are now beginning to disclose their inward splendour, thus promising a still richer store of surprises for the Future.

Not that you would ask me to forget the superiority which, in many respects, the Old World may still claim, in your eyes, as well as in mine.

Old Europe remains even now the bearer of a longer historical past, and therefore stands before you as a deeper 2 rooted tree, hiding between its leaves the more matured fruits of life. In one word, you are yet in your Springtide, — we are passing through our Fall; — and the harvest of Autumn has an enchantment of its own.

But, although, on the other hand, I fully acknowledge your privilege that (to use another simile) the train of life travels with you so immeasureably faster than with us, — leaving us miles and miles behind, — still we both feel that there is not a separate life in Old Europe and another here, but that it is one and the same current of human existence that rolls through both continents; — a vast uninterrupted tide, which entered Europe from Asia, then passed from Europe to America, and is now further developing itself in this New World, ever moving westward.

By virtue of our common origin you may call us bone of your bone, — we feel that you are flesh of our flesh, and although you are outstripping us in the most discouraging way, you will never forget that the historic cradle of our wondrous youth stood in our old Europe, and was rocked most gently in my once so mighty Fatherland.

1A traveller from the old European Continent, disembarking on the shore of this New World, feels as the Psalmist says, that “His thoughts crowd upon him like a multitude”. Compared with the eddying waters of your new stream of life, the old stream in which he was moving seems almost frostbound and dull; and here, on American ground, for the first time, he realizes how so many divine potencies, which were hidden away in the bosom of mankind from our very creation, but which our old world was incapable of developing, are now beginning to disclose their inward splendor, thus promising a still richer store of surprises for the future.

You would not, however, ask me to forget the superiority which, in many respects, the Old World may still claim, in your eyes, as well as in mine. Old Europe remains even now the bearer of a longer historical past, and therefore stands before us as a tree rooted more deeply, hiding between its leaves some more matured fruits of life. You are yet in your Springtide, – we are passing 2 through our Fall; – and has not the harvest of Autumn an enchantment of its own?

But, though, on the other hand, I fully acknowledge the advantage you possess in the fact that (to use another simile) the train of life travels with you so immeasurably faster than with us, – leaving us miles and miles behind, – still we both feel that the life in Old Europe is not something separate from life here; it is one and the same current of human existence that flows through both Continents.

By virtue of our common origin, you may call us bone of your bone, – we feel that you are flesh of our flesh, and although you are outstripping us in the most discouraging way, you will never forget that the historic cradle of your wondrous youth stood in our old Europe, and was most gently rocked in my once mighty Fatherland.

Um viajante do velho continente europeu, desembarcando no litoral deste Novo Mundo, sente-se como o salmista que diz, “Seus pensamentos amontoam-se sobre ele como uma multidão.” Comparado com o turbilhão de águas de seu novo rio de vida, o velho rio, no qual ele estava em movimento, parece quase congelado e sem graça; e aqui, em terras americanas, pela primeira vez, compreende como tantas potências divinas, que estavam escondidas longe no seio da humanidade de nossa própria criação, mas que nosso velho mundo foi incapaz de desenvolver, estão agora começando a descobrir seu esplendor interior, prometendo assim um depósito de surpresas ainda mais rico para o futuro.

Contudo, vocês não me pediriam para esquecer a superioridade que, em muitos aspectos, o Velho Mundo pode ainda reivindicar, aos seus olhos tanto quanto aos meus. Mesmo agora a velha Europa continua portadora de um passado histórico muito longo, e portanto, coloca-se diante de nós como uma árvore enraizada muito profundamente, escondendo entre suas folhas alguns dos mais maduros frutos da vida. Vocês ainda estão em sua Primavera – nós estamos passando por nosso Outono; - e a colheita do Outono não tem um encantamento próprio?

Mas, embora, por outro lado, eu reconheça plenamente a vantagem que vocês possuem no fato que (para usar outra símile) o trem da vida viaja com vocês tão imensuravelmente mais rápido do que conosco, - deixando-nos milhas e milhas atrás, - contudo ambos sentimos que a vida na velha Europa não é algo separado da vida aqui; ela é uma e a mesma corrente da existência humana que flui através de ambos os continentes.

Em virtude de nossa origem comum, vocês podem chamar-nos ossos de seus ossos – nós sentimos que vocês são carne de nossa carne, e ainda que vocês estejam nos superando de modo mais desalentador, vocês nunca esquecerão que o berço histórico de sua maravilhosa juventude continua em nossa velha Europa, e foi embalado gentilmente em minha outrora poderosa terra natal.

Путешественник из старой доброй Европы, высаживаясь на берег Нового Света, чувствует себя ошеломленным. По сравнению с бурлящим потоком вашей жизни его прошлое кажется почти застывшим и безжизненным. На американской земле он впервые видит, как дарованные Богом многочисленные возможности, которые были сокрыты в человеке от самого нашего сотворения, и которые наш Старый Свет не сумел развить, проявляются здесь во всем своем внутреннем величии, что свидетельствует о еще более великом и удивительном будущем.

И все же не просите меня забыть об определенном превосходстве, на которое Старый Свет все еще может претендовать и в моих, и в ваших глазах. Европа остается хранительницей более длительного исторического прошлого, и потому предстает перед нами словно глубоко укорененное дерево, скрывающее в своей листве более зрелые плоды жизни. У вас еще весна, у нас — осень, а у осенней жатвы есть свое очарование.

Я полностью признаю все преимущества, которые есть у вас, поскольку (если использовать еще одно сравнение) поезд жизни движет вас вперед гораздо быстрее, чем нас; и все-таки мы чувствуем, что старушка Европа не совсем отделена от жизни у вас. Через оба континента протекает один и тот же поток человеческого бытия.

Благодаря нашему общему происхождению вы можете называть нас костью от вашей кости, а мы вас — плотью от нашей плоти. Хотя вы далеко опередили нас, вам никогда не забыть, что колыбель вашей замечательной жизни — в нашей старой Европе, и ее заботливо взлелеяла моя некогда могущественная отчизна.

Doch er is meer, dat bij het breedst verschil in exponent van leven u en ons verbinden blijft. Meer nog dan die ontwikkeling in ons leven, is de adel van dat leven ons heilig, en die adel ligt voor u en ons in den Christennaam. Dat Christelijk element is het ons heilig patrimonium. Niet van Rome noch van Griekenland is de wedergeboorte van het menschelijk leven uitgegaan. Die machtige ommekeer dagteekent van Bethlehem en Golgotha, en zoo de Reformatie de liefde van ons hart heeft, het is alleen omdat ze het licht van Golgotha, toen het achter den nevel van het sacerdotalisme verduisterd was, weer in volle kracht voor ons heeft doen schitteren. Maar juist tegen dat Christelijk element in onze edeler levenssfeer, tegen dien Christennaam en den invloed van dien naam op alle gebied des levens, stak thans de storm van het Modernisme op. In 1789 lag het keerpunt. Wat Voltaire uitriep: Ecrasez l’infâme, doelde op den Christus en was uiting van de verborgenste gedachte, die aan de Fransche Revolutie ten grondslag lag. Nous ne voulons plus de Dieu, gelijk een ander philosoof uit die dagen het formuleerde, of het ni Dieu ni maître uit de volksmeeting, was het wachtwoord waaronder destijds de vrijmaking van den mensch, als emancipatie van alle Goddelijk gezag, werd ingeluid. En al heeft God, in zijn ondoorgrondelijken raadslag, diezelfde Revolutie gebruikt, om de tyrannie der Bourbons te verpletteren, en een oordeel te spreken over de Overheden die zijn volkeren als voetschabel misbruikt hadden, het beginsel der Revolutie blijft anti-christelijk, en heeft sinds als een kanker voortgevreten, om al wat voor ons Christelijk bewustzijn vaststond, los te rukken en te ondermijnen. Sinds is die tegen het Christendom gekeerde macht nog versterkt, wijl aannemelijk gemaakt in de veelvormigheid van het geleerde Duitsch Pantheïsme, straks in Darwins evolutieleer als physiologische grondslag onder al het bestaande gevleid. En wat nóg schreiender is, tot in Christus’ kerk is die giftige bacil doorgedrongen, om onder den dekmantel van een vroom mysticisme of in het kleed van historische klaarheid, eerst de Kerkelijke Belijdenis, daarna het 3 Woord Gods, en ten leste den heiligen persoon van den Christus zelf aan te tasten. Geen twijfel dan ook of het Christendom is in gevaar. Twee wereldbeschouwingen worstelen met elkaar in een kamp op leven en dood. Het Modernisme wil een wereld uit den natuurlijken mensch en dien mensch uit de natuur opbouwen, en daarentegen al wie voor Christus als den Zone Gods eerbiediglijk neerknielt, wil voor de wereld de Christelijke erfenis bewaren, om haar, dank zij die erfenis, een nog hooger ontwikkeling te doen tegengaan. Dat is de strijd in Europa, de strijd ook in Amerika, en het is die principieële strijd, die in het kleine Nederland straks veertig jaren van mijn ten avond neigend leven heeft uitgeput.

Moreover, besides this common parentage, there is another factor which, in the face of even a wider difference, would continue to unite your interests and ours. Far more precious to us, even than the development of human life, is the crown which ennobles it, and this noble crown of life for you and for me rests in the Christian name. That crown is our common heritage, and under the glory of that crown we are and feel united, in the closest and most holy brotherhood. It was not from Greece or Rome that the regeneration of human life came forth;— that mighty metamorphosis dates from Bethlehem and Golgotha; and if the Reformation, in a still more special sense, claims the love of our hearts, it is because it has dispelled the clouds of sacerdotalism, and has unveiled again to fullest view the glories of the cross. But, in deadly opposition to this Christian element, against this very Christian name, 3 and against its salutiferous influence in every sphere of life, has now arisen, with such a violent intensity, the storm of Modernism.

In 1789 the turning point was reached.

Voltaire's mad cry "Ecrasez l'infame" aimed at Christ himself, and this cry it was that gave utterance to the most hidden thought from which the French Revolution sprang. The fanatic outcry of another philosopher - "We no more need a God", and the odious shibboleth "No God, no Master", of the Convention, — these were the sacrilegious watchwords which at that time heralded the liberation of man as an emancipation from all Divine Authority. And if, in His impenetrable Wisdom, God employed that revolution as a means by which to overthrow the tyranny of the Bourbons, and to bring a judgment on the princes who abused His nations as their footstool, nevertheless the principle of that Revolution remains thoroughly antichristian, and has since eaten its way like a cancer, dissolving and undermining all that stood firm and consistent before our Christian faith.

This anti-Christian power has since been strengthened by the richness of forms in which German Modernism unfolded itself, thereby rendering Pantheism so generally acceptable that in Darwin's evolution — theory its idea of an uninterrupted process has been hailed as the physiological basis of every existing thing. And what is still more lamentable, even in the church of Christ itself this poisonous toxin has forced an entrance, and under cover of a pious mysticism or in the garment of historic clearness, has attacked, first the sacredness of the church, after that the Holy Scripture, and at last even the holy person of our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. No doubt therefore but that Christianity is emperilled by great and serious dangers. Two world-views are wrestling one with another, in mortal combat. Modernism is bound to build a world of its own from the data of the natural man, and to con- 4 struct man himself from the data of nature, while, on the other hand, all those who reverently bend the knee to Christ and worship Him as the Son of the Living God are bent upon saving the "Christian Heritage" for the world at large, confident, by this heritage, to lead her up to a still higher development. This is the struggle in Europe, this is the struggle in America, and this also, is the struggle for principles, in which my own country is engaged, and in which I myself have exhausted for nearly forty years every energy at my disposal.

Moreover, besides this common parentage, there is another factor which, in the face of even a wider difference, would continue to unite your interests and ours. Far more precious to us than even the development of human life, is the crown which ennobles it, and this noble crown of life for you and for me rests in the Christian name. That crown is our common heritage. It was not from Greece or Rome that the regeneration of human life came forth; – that mighty metamorphosis dates from Bethlehem and Golgotha; and if the Reformation, in a still more special sense, claims the love of our hearts, it is because it has dispelled the clouds of sacerdotalism, and has unveiled again to fullest view the glories of the Cross. But, in deadly opposition to this Christian element, against the 3 very Christian name, and against its salutiferous influence in every sphere of life, the storm of Modernism has now arisen with violent intensity.

In 1789 the turning point was reached.

Voltaire’s mad cry, “Down with the scoundrel” was aimed at Christ himself, but this cry was merely the expression of the most hidden thought from which the French Revolution sprang. The fanatic outcry of another philosopher, “We no more need a God”, and the odious shibboleth, “No God, no Master”, of the Convention, – these were the sacrilegious watchwords which at that time heralded the liberation of man as an emancipation from all Divine Authority. And if, in His impenetrable wisdom, God employed the Revolution as a means by which to overthrow the tyranny of the Bourbons, and to bring a judgment on the princes who abused His nations as their footstool, nevertheless the principle of that Revolution remains thoroughly anti-christian, and has since spread like a cancer, dissolving and undermining all that stood firm and consistent before our Christian faith

There is no doubt then that Christianity is imperiled by great and serious dangers. Two life systems 1) are 4 wrestling with one another, in mortal combat. Modernism is bound to build a world of its own from the data of the natural man, and to construct man himself from the data of nature; while, on the other hand, all those who reverently bend the knee to Christ and worship Him as the Son of the living God, and God himself, are bent upon saving the “Christian Heritage”. This is the struggle in Europe, this is the struggle in America, and this also. is the struggle for principles in which my own country is engaged, and in which I myself have been spending all my energy for nearly forty years.

Além disso, ao lado desta ascendência comum, há outro fator que, mesmo diante de uma diferença mais ampla, continuaria a unir seus interesses aos nossos. Muito mais precioso para nós que o desenvolvimento da vida humana, é a coroa que a enobrece, e esta nobre coroa da vida para vocês e para mim repousa no nome cristão. Esta coroa é nossa herança comum. Não foi da Grécia ou de Roma que saiu a regeneração da vida humana; - esta metamorfose poderosa remonta-se a Belém e ao Gólgota; e se a Reforma, em um sentido ainda mais especial, reivindica o amor de nossos corações é porque ela tem dispersado as nuvens do sacerdotalismo, e tem novamente revelado a mais plena visão das glórias da cruz. Mas, em oposição mortal a este elemento cristão, contra o próprio nome cristão e contra sua influência salutar4 em cada esfera da vida, a tempestade do Modernismo tem agora surgido com intensidade violenta.

Em 1789 o ponto crucial foi alcançado. O grito furioso de Voltaire, “Abaixo com o salafrário”, foi apontado para o próprio Cristo, mas este grito era simplesmente a expressão do pensamento mais oculto do qual nasceu a Revolução Francesa. O protesto fanático de um outro filósofo, “Não precisamos mais de Deus”, e o lema odioso, “Nenhum Deus, nenhum senhor”, da Convenção; - foram os lemas sacrílegos que naquele tempo anunciaram a libertação do homem como emancipação de toda autoridade divina. E, se em sua sabedoria impenetrável, Deus empregou a Revolução Francesa como um meio para destruir a tirania dos Bourbons, e trazer um julgamento sobre os príncipes que abusavam de suas nações como seus escabelos, entretanto o princípio do qual a Revolução surgiu continua completamente anticristã, e desde então tem se espalhado como câncer, dissolvendo e corroendo tudo quanto está firme e consistente diante de nossa fé cristã.

Não há dúvida, então, de que o Cristianismo está exposto a grandes e sérios perigos. Dois sistemas de vida5 estão em combate mortal. O Modernismo está comprometido em construir um mundo próprio a partir de elementos do homem natural, e a construir o próprio homem a partir de elementos da natureza; enquanto que, por outro lado, todos aqueles que reverentemente humilham-se diante de Cristo e o adoram como o Filho do Deus vivo, e o próprio Deus, estão resolvidos a salvar a “herança cristã”. Esta é a luta na Europa, esta é a luta na América, e esta também é a luta por princípios em que meu próprio país está engajado, e na qual eu mesmo tenho gasto todas as minhas energias por quase quarenta anos.

Мало того, наши интересы будет объединять еще один фактор, даже если различия между нами станут еще больше. Для нас важнее всего даже не развитие человеческой жизни, а то, что ее венчает и облагораживает. Корона эта, благородный венец жизни для вас и для меня — христианство, наше общее наследие. Человеческая жизнь стала возрождаться не в Греции или в Риме, но в Вифлееме и на Голгофе; и если, говоря еще конкретней, мы так искренне преданы делу Реформации, то лишь потому, что она рассеяла мрак обрядоверия, вновь явив во всем ее величии славу Креста. Теперь с христианским наследием борется новый враг, ненавидя самое имя христианства и его спасительное воздействие на все сферы жизни. На нас, со всей своею силой, идет ураган модернизма.

В 1789 году наступил поворотный момент. Безумный крик Вольтера «Раздавите гадину!» направлен непосредственно против самого Христа, но он лишь выражал те сокровенные мысли, которые привели к Французской революции. Фанатичный девиз другого философа «Мы больше не нуждаемся в Боге» и одиозный шибболет Конвента «Ни Бога, ни господ» стали богохульным паролем, который возвестил, что человек свободен от Божественной Власти. Быть может, в Своей бесконечной мудрости Бог использовал Революцию, чтобы уничтожить тиранию Бурбонов и совершить суд над феодалами, которые терзали Его народы, тем не менее сам принцип этой революции был антихристианским, и, распространяясь с тех пор, она уничтожала, подобно раку, все твердое и незыблемое в нашей христианской вере.

Без сомнения, христианство столкнулось с очень серьезной опасностью. Две системы воззрений на мир1 сошлись друг с другом в смертельной схватке. Модернизм стремится построить собственный мир, исходя из представлений о естественном человеке, а самого человека сконструировать из данных природы; те же, кто смиренно преклоняет колени пред Христом и поклоняется Ему как Сыну Бога живого и как Самому Богу, стремятся сохранить «христианское наследие». Эта главная битва разворачивается в Европе, в Америке, ею охвачена моя страна, да и сам я отдал ей почти сорок лет.

In dien strijd nu heeft de apologetiek ons geen stap verder gebracht. De apologeten toch zijn onveranderlijk begonnen met het juist aangevallen bolwerk prijs te geven, om zich op een daarachter liggend ravelijn terug te trekken. Van meet af heb ik daarom gezegd: Zal de strijd met eere en met hoop op zegepraal gevoerd worden, dan moet weer beginsel tegen beginsel worden gesteld. Dan moet ingezien, hoe ons in het Modernisme de onmetelijke energie van een alomvattend beginsel bestormt, en moet onzerzijds een even diepgaand, een even breed strekkend, een even ver reikend beginsel daartegenover worden geplaatst. En dat beginsel moeten niet wij verzinnen, niet wij formuleeren, maar dat beginsel moet gevonden en aangewezen worden in het leven zelf, gelijk het met zijn wortelen in het verleden ligt en de takken uitslaat waarmeê het ons overschaduwt. Te zeggen: dat beginsel is het Christendom zelf, is daarom niet genoeg. Ook dat algemeen beginsel kan ons alleen in zijn historie, in zijn verst vooruitgeschoven, in zijn zuiverste openbaring de kracht tot verweer bieden, en aldus opgevat vond ik en beleed, en belijd nu nog dat beginsel in het Calvinisme. Dáárin heeft mijn hart ruste gevonden. Dááruit kwam mij de kracht toe, om te midden van den strijd der meeningen positie te nemen. En daarom, waar ik uitgenoodigd werd, hier de Stonelectures dit jaar te houden, kon ik niet aarzelen; het Calvinisme als het eenig afdoend, eenig gewettigd, eenig steekhoudend verweer voor de Protestantsche volkeren tegen het indringend en hen overstroomend Modernisme, moestvanzelf mijn onderwerp zijn. Niet alsof mijn persoonlijke worsteling u kon interesseeren, maar 4 omdat het één strijd is, dien Gij hier, en wij in Nederland strijden, en wijl in zulk een algemeene worsteling alleen een getuigenis op persoonlijke ervaring berustend, beteekenis en waardij bezit.

In this struggle Apologetics have advanced us no single step. Apologetics have invariably begun by abandoning the assailed breastwork, in order to entrench themselves in a ravelin behind it.

Therefore, from the first, I have always said to myself: —"If the battle is to lie fought with honour and with a hope of victory, then principle must be arrayed against principle ; then it must be felt that in Modernism the vast energy of an all-embracing principle assails us, and then it must be understood that we have to take our stand in a principle of equally comprehensive and far-reaching power. And this powerful principle is not to lie invented nor formulated by ourselves, but it is to be taken and applied as it presents itself in life, with its roots in the past, and its branches spread over our present existence. It will not do therefore to say that this principle is Christianity itself. Such a general principle, taken in an absolute sense, necessarily remains a pure abstraction, and only in its historical, its farthest, and its purest revelation can it supply us with the needed vigor for resistance; — and when thus taken, I found and confessed, and I still hold, that this manifestation of the Christian principle is given us in Calvinism. In Calvinism has my heart found rest. From Calvinism have I drawn the inspiration, firmly and resolutely to take my stand in the thick of this great conflict of principles. And therefore, when I was invited to give 5 the Stone Lectures here this year, I could not hesitate a moment as to my choice of subject. Calvinism, as the only decisive, lawful, and consistent defence for Protestant nations against encroaching, and overwhelming Modernism, — this of itself was bound to be my theme. Not that my personal experience can be of interest to you, but because it is the same conflict which engages you here, and us in Europe, and because in such an universal struggle, the more a testimony is based upon personal experience, the higher its significance, and the richer its value.

In this struggle Apologetics have advanced us not one single step. Apologists have invariably begun by abandoning the assailed breastwork, in order to entrench themselves cowardly in a ravelin behind it.

From the first, therefore, I have always said to myself, – “If the battle is to be fought with honor and with a hope of victory, then principle must be arrayed against principle; then it must be felt that in Modernism the vast energy of an all-embracing life-system assails us, then also it must be understood that we have to take our stand in a life-system of equally comprehensive and far-reaching power. And this powerful life-system is not to be invented nor formulated by ourselves, but is to be taken and applied as it presents itself in history. 5 When thus taken, I found and confessed, and I still hold, that this manifestation of the Christian principle is given us in Calvinism. In Calvinism my heart has found rest. From Calvinism have I drawn the inspiration firmly and resolutely to take my stand in the thick of this great conflict of principles. And therefore, when I was invited most honorably by your Faculty to give the Stone-Lectures here this year, I could not hesitate a moment as to my choice of subject. Calvinism, as the only decisive, lawful, and consistent defence for Protestant nations against encroaching, and overwhelming Modernism, – this of itself was bound to be my theme.

Nesta luta apologética não temos avançado um único passo. Os apologistas invariavelmente começam abandonando a defesa assaltada, a fim de entrincheirarem-se covardemente em um revelim atrás deles.6

Desde o início, portanto, tenho sempre dito a mim mesmo, - “Se o combate deve ser travado com honra e com esperança de vitória, então, princípio deve ser ordenado contra princípio; a seguir, deve ser sentido que no Modernismo, a imensa energia de um sistema de vida todo abrangente nos ataca; depois também, deve ser entendido que temos de assumir nossa posição em um sistema de vida de poder, igualmente compreensivo e extenso. E este poderoso sistema de vida não deve ser inventado nem formulado por nós mesmos, mas deve ser tomado e aplicado como se apresenta na História. Quando assim fiz, encontrei e confessei, e ainda sustento que esta manifestação do princípio cristão nos é dado no Calvinismo. No Calvinismo meu coração tem encontrado descanso. Do Calvinismo, tenho tirado firme e resolutamente a inspiração para assumir minhaposição no auge deste grande conflito de princípios. E, portanto, quando fui convidado, muito honradamente por sua Faculdade, para dar as Palestras Stone, aqui este ano, não poderia hesitar um momento quanto a minha escolha do assunto. O Calvinismo como a única, decisiva, lícita e consistente defesa das nações protestantes contra o usurpador e esmagador Modernismo, - isto por si só foi o limite para meu tema.

Апологетика в этой борьбе нам не помогает. Апологеты неизменно начинают с того, что, отказавшись от наступления, малодушно отступают под защиту оборонительных сооружений. Поэтому я всегда, с самого начала, говорил себе: «Если мы хотим бороться достойно, если мы хотим победить, принцип надо противопоставить принципу. Кроме того, надо осознать, что против нас выступает могучее, целостное и всеохватывающее мировоззрение, и мы должны понять, что нам нужна система воззрений на мир не меньшего масштаба и не меньшей мощи. Такую могучую систему мы не должны выдумывать, ее следует взять и использовать такой, какой она явила себя в истории». Так пришел я к заключению, которого придерживаюсь и сейчас: проявление христианского принципа в истории — это кальвинизм. В кальвинизме обрело покой мое сердце. Он вдохновляет меня на то, чтобы погрузиться в самую гущу великой борьбы принципов. Когда ваш факультет оказал мне честь, пригласив прочитать в этом году цикл лекций, я ни на миг не сомневался, какой теме их посвятить. Моя тема — кальвинизм, единственно действенная, законная и последовательная защита протестантских народов против наступающего модернизма.

Vergun mij daarom in zes lezingen U over het Calvinisme te spreken. Eerst over het Calvinisme in de Historie, opdat we verstaan wat het Calvinisme is. Dan over het Calvinisme en de Religie. Voorts over het Calvinisme als politiek verschijnsel. Daarna over het Calvinisme als sociale macht eerst in de Wetenschap en dan in de Kunst. En eindelijk over de hope die in het Calvinisme is weggelegd voor de toekomst.


Allow me therefore, in six lectures, to speak to you on Calvinism. First on Calvinism in History, that we may clearly understand what Calvinism is. Then on Calvinism and Religion. Again on Calvinism as a political phenomenon; — After that on Calvinism as a social force, first in Science, and then in Art. And, finally, on the hope which in Calvinism, is laid away for the Future.

Allow me, therefore, in six lectures, to speak to you on Calvinism.

On Calvinism as a Life-system,

On Calvinism and Religion,

On Calvinism and Politics,

On Calvinism and Science,

On Calvinism and Art, and

On Calvinism and the Future.


Permitam-me, portanto, em seis palestras, falar-lhes sobre o Calvinismo. Sobre o Calvinismo como um Sistema de Vida;

Sobre o Calvinismo e a Religião;

Sobre o Calvinismo e a Política;

Sobre o Calvinismo e a Ciência;

Sobre o Calvinismo e a Arte;

e Sobre o Calvinismo e o Futuro.

Позвольте мне поэтому посвятить эти шесть лекций кальвинизму. Говорить я буду:

1. О кальвинизме как системе воззрений на мир.

2. О кальвинизме и религии.

3. О кальвинизме и политике.

4. О кальвинизме и науке.

5. О кальвинизме и искусстве.

6. О кальвинизме и будущем.

Klaarheid van betoog vordert, dat ik begin met in mijn eerst lezing historisch het begrip van het Calvinisme vast te stellen. Ter afsnijding van misverstand, dient uitgemaakt, wat we onder Calvinisme niet, en wat we daaronder wel hebben te verstaan. Ik ga daarbij uit van het thans heerschend gebruik van dien naam, dat in de onderscheiden landen en levenssferen volstrekt niet hetzelfde is. Het veelvuldigst wordt de naam Calvinist heden ten dage nog gebezigd als sectarischenaam; niet in Protestantsche, maar in Roomsche landen, met name in Hongarije en Frankrijk. In Hongarije telt de Gereformeerde Kerk nog twee en een half millioen zielen, die van Roomsche zijde en in de Joodsche pers standvastig met den niet-officieelen naam van „Calviner” worden gebrandmerkt. Een min lieflijk bedoelde naam, die op de leden der Gereformeerde Kerk daar te lande dan ook wordt toegepast, indien ze de laatste sympathie voor het geloof hunner vaderen reeds volledig hebben uitgeschud. En op hetzelfde verschijnsel stuit ge in Frankrijk, vooral in Zuid-Frankrijk, waar „Calvinistes” eveneens, en sterker nog, een sectarisch brandmerk is, waarbij niemand meer vraagt wat de gebrandmerkte persoonlijk gelooft of belijdt, maar dat aan een ieder wordt opgedrukt, ook al is hij atheïst geworden, die nog bij de église reformée is aangesloten. Georges Thiébaud, bekend door zijn anti-Semitisme, heeft tegelijk het anti-Calvinisme in Frankrijk weêr wakker geroepen, en tot in de Dreyfusquaestie toe zijn „Joden en Calvinisten” als de twee anti-nationale machten tegen de macht van den „esprit gaulois” overgesteld. Dit sectarische 5 gebruik van den naam Calvinist is herkomstig van de Roomsche polemisten, die van meet af gewoon waren, den in hun oog gevaarlijkste vorm van het Protestantisme, onder dien gehaten term te bestrijden. Voor de kennis en waardeering van het Calvinisme daarentegen is deze eerste beduidenis van den naam „Calvinist” van niet het minste gewicht, daar ze puur formeel en uitwendig is, los van alle geestelijke belijdenis. — Vlak tegenovergesteld hieraan is het tweede gebruik van het woord Calvinisme, dat ik het confessioneele noem. In dien zin verstaat men onder Calvinist, een beslist aanhanger van het dogma der Voorbeschikking. Zij die het sterke hechten aan de Predestinatie afkeuren, trekken dan in zooverre met de Roomsche polemisten één lijn, als ook zij, door u Calvinist te noemen, u voorstellen als lijdende aan dogmatische bekrompenheid en als gevaarlijk voor den ernst van het zedelijk leven. En omgekeerd zullen theologen, die uit volle overtuiging voor de Predestinatie opkomen, er wel hun eere in stellen, om Calvinist te zijn, maar toch gevoelen ook deze zóó zeer de ongunst van den Calvinistische naam, dat ze om hun overtuiging ingang te doen vinden, liever van Augustianisme dan van Calvinisme spreken. Zoo deed Hodge, wiens studiën ik dankbaar waardeer, ook onder u. — Een derde gebruik van den naam Calvinist vindt ge in den kerkelijken titel van sommige Baptisten en Methodisten. Geen minder dan Spurgeon behoorde tot een tak der Baptisten, die zich in Engeland als „Calvinistic Baptists” aandienen, en in Wales noemen de Whitfieldsche Methodisten zich nu nog Calvinistic Methodists. Ook hier dus de confessioneele onderscheiding, maar nu als naam voor een kerkgemeenschap gebezigd. Een gebruik, dat stellig door niemand gestrenger dan door Calvijn zelven zou zijn afgekeurd. Nooit toch heeft ééne enkele Gereformeerde Kerk, zoolang hij leefde, er aan gedacht, de Kerk van Christus naar een mensch te noemen. De Lutherschen deden dit; wij, Gereformeerden, deden het nooit. — Maar buiten dit sectarisch, confessioneel en kerkelijk gebruik van den naam Calvinist, geldt hij nu bovendien nog als wetenschappelijke term, deels in historischen, deels in philosophischen, deels in staatkundigen zin. Historisch spreekt de wetenschap 6 van Calvinisme, om het stroombed aan te duiden, waarin de Reformatie zich voortbewoog voor zoover ze noch Luthersch, noch Anabaptistisch, noch Sociniaansch was. In wijsgeerigen zin verstaat men onder Calvinisme het stelsel van begrippen, dat zich op meer dan één gebied onder den invloed van Calvijns geest tot heerschappij verhief. En als politieke naam duidt Calvinisme de staatkundige beweging aan, die de vrijheid der volkeren in het constitutioneele staatsleven gewaarborgd heeft; in Holland eerst; toen in Engeland; in de Vereenigde Staten sinds het eind der vorige eeuw. Vooral onder de Duitsche geleerden is de naam van Calvinisme in die laatste, wetenschappelijke opvatting gangbaar. En dat niet alleen wie zelf issu de Calvin is, zoo spreekt, maar dat ook wie geheel van het belijdende Christendom afviel, deze hooge betekenis aan het aldus verstane Calvinisme toekent, moge u uit het getuigenis van drie mannen van wetenschap onder ons blijken, waarvan de eerste, Dr. Robbert Fruin zegt: „Het Calvinisme kwam naar Nederland over met een eigen welsluitend stelsel van godgeleerdheid, met een eigen plan van democratische kerkorde, doordrongen van een streng zedelijken zin, en evenzeer voor de zedelijke hervorming der menschheid, als voor hare godsdienstige ijverend. Tegenover het Roomsche levensbeginsel stelde het Calvinisme een eigen levensbeginsel over. En in den oorlog die volgde, was het Calvinisme krachtig genoeg, om den gemeenen vijand te weerstaan 1).” Een ander, nog beslister ongeloovige geleerde schreef: „Het Calvinisme was de hoogste ontwikkelingsvorm in het godsdienstig en staatkundig beginsel der zestiende eeuw 2).” En een derde, om niet meer te noemen, erkent dat het Calvinisme Duitschland, Nederland en Engeland heeft vrijgemaakt, en in de Pilgrimfathers den stoot gaf tot het opbloeien der Vereenigde Staten. 3) — Alleen nu in dien laatsten, streng wetenschappelijken zin wensch ik ook voor u het Calvinisme te bespreken als een zelfstandige levensrichting, die uit een eigen levensbeginsel, 7 een eigen vorm voor ons leven en ons denken, onder de volkeren van West-Europa en Noord-Amerika, ik voeg er bij, thans ook in het Zuiden van Afrika, ontwikkeld heeft.

Clearness of presentation demands that in this first lecture I begin by fixing the conception of Calvinism historically. To prevent misunderstanding we must first know what we should not, and what we should, understand by it. Starting therefore from the current use of the term, I find that this is by no means the same in different countries and spheres of life. The name Calvinist is used in our times most generally as a sectarian name; this is not the case in Protestant, but in Romish countries, especially in Hungary and France. In Hungary the Reformed Churches have a membership of some two and one-half millions, and in both the Romish and Jewish press her members are constantly stigmatized by the non-official name of "Calvinists". A derisive name applied even to those who have divested themselves of all traces of sympathy with the faith of their fathers. The same phenomenon presents itself in France, especially in the Southern parts, where „Calviniste" is 6 equally, and even more emphatically a sectarian stigma, which does not refer to the faith or confession of the stigmatized person, but is simply put upon every communicant of the Reformed Churches, even though he be an atheist. George Thiebaud, known for his anti-semitic propaganda, has at the same time revived the anti-Calvinistic spirit in France, and even in the Dreyfus case "Jews and Calvinists" were arraigned by him as the two anti-national forces as prejudicial to the ''esprit gaulois". This sectarian use of the name "Calvinist" is derived from the Romish polemists, who from the beginning were accustomed to attack by this ominous term what seemed to them the most dangerous form of Protestantism. This first significance however of the name "Calvinist" is of no importance whatsoever for the understanding and appreciation of Calvinism, because it is purely external, and independent of all spiritual confession. — Directly opposed to this is the second use of the word Calvinism, and this I call the confessional use. In this sense a Calvinist is represented exclusively as the outspoken subscriber to the dogma of foreordination. They who disapprove of this strong attachment to the doctrine of predestination cooperate with the Romish polemist, in that by calling you "Calvinist" they represent you as a victim of dogmatic narrowness and what is worse still as being dangerous to the real seriousness of moral life. On the other hand there are theologians, who from fulness of conviction are open defenders of Predestination, and who count it their honor to be Calvinists, but who are so impressed with the disfavor attached to the "Calvinistic name", that for the sake of commending their conviction, they prefer to speak rather of Augustinianism than of Calvinism. This is what Hodge did— whose studies I so deeply appreciate. — The ecclesiastical title of some Baptists and Methodists indicates a third use of the name Calvinist. No less a man than Spurgeon belonged to a class of Baptists who in England call themselves "Calvinistic Baptists", and 7 the Whitfield Methodists in Wales to this day bear the name of "Calvinistic Methodists". Thus here also it indicates a confessional difference, but is applied as the name for special church-denominations. Without doubt this practice would have been most severely criticized by Calvin himself. During his life-time no Reformed Church ever dreamed of naming the Church of Christ after any man. The Lutherans have done this, the Reformed Churches never... But beyond this sectarian, confessional, and ecclesiastical use of the name "Calvinist", it serves moreover as a scientific term, either in an historical, philosophical or political sense. Historically the name of Calvinism indicates the channel in which the Reformation moved, so far as it was neither Lutheran, Anabaptist nor Socinian. In the philosophical sense we understand by it that system of conceptions, which under the influence of the master-mind of Calvin raised itself to dominance in the several spheres of life. And as a political name Calvinism indicates that political movement which has guaranteed the liberty of nations in constitutional statesmanship; first in Holland; then in England; and since the close of the last century in the United States. In this scientific sense the name of Calvinism is especially current among German scholars. And the fact that this not only is the opinion of those who are themselves of Calvinistic sympathies, but that also scholars who have abandoned every confessional standard of Christianity nevertheless assign this profound significance to Calvinism, appears from the testimony borne by three of our best men of science, the first of whom, Dr. Robbert Fruin declares that: "Calvinism came into the Netherlands consisting of a logical system of Divinity, of a democratic Church-order of its own, impelled by a severely-moral sense, and as enthusiastic for the moral as for the religious reformation of mankind". Another historian, who was even more outspoken in his rationalistic sympathies writes: "Calvinism is the highest form of development reached by the religious 8 and political principle in the 16th century". And a third authority acknowledges that Calvinism has liberated Switzerland, the Netherlands and England, and in the Pilgrim Fathers has provided the impulse to the prosperity of the United States... And only in this last-named, strictly scientific sense do I desire to speak to you on Calvinism as an independent general tendency, which from a motherprinciple of its own has developed an independent form both for our life and for our thought among the nations of Western Europe and North America, and at present even in Southern Africa.

Clearness of presentation demands that in this first lecture I begin by fixing the conception of Calvinism historically. To prevent misunderstanding we must first know what we should not, and what we should, understand by it. Starting therefore from the current use of the term, I find that this is by no means the same in different countries and in different spheres of life. The 6 name Calvinist is used in our times first as a sectarian name. This is not the case in Protestant, but in Roman Catholic countries, especially in Hungary and France. In Hungary the Reformed Churches have a membership of some two and a half millions, and in both the Romish and Jewish press of that country her members are constantly stigmatized by the non-offlcial name of “Calvinists”, a derisive name applied even to those who have divested themselves of all traces of sympathy with the faith of their fathers. The same phenomenon presents itself in France, especially in the Southern parts, where “Calviniste” is equally, and even more emphatically, a sectarian stigma, which does not refer to the faith or confession of the stigmatized person, but is simply put upon every member of the Reformed Churches, even though he be an atheist. George Thiebaud, known for his anti-Semitic propaganda, has at the same time revived the anti-Calvinistic spirit in France, and even in the Dreyfus-case, “Jews and Calvinists” were arraigned by him as the two anti-national forces, prejudicial to the “esprit gaulois”. – Directly opposed to this is the second use of the word Calvinism, and this I call the confessional one. In this sense, a Calvinist is represented exclusively as the out-spoken subscriber to the dogma of fore-ordination. They who disapprove of this strong attachment to the doctrine of predestination cooperate with the Romish polemists, in that by calling you “Calvinist”, they represent you as a victim of dogmatic narrowness; and what is worse still, as being dangerous to the real seriousness of moral life. This is a stigma so conspicuously offensive that theologians like Hodge, 7 who from fulness of conviction were open defenders of Predestination, and counted it an honor to be Calvinists, were nevertheless so deeply impressed with the disfavor attached to the “Calvinistic name”, that for the sake of commending their conviction, they preferred to speak rather of Augustinianism than of Calvinism. – The denominational title of some Baptists and Methodists indicates a third use of the name Calvinist. No less a man than Spurgeon belonged to a class of Baptists who in England call themselves “Calvinistic Baptists”, and the Whitefield Methodists in Wales to this day bear the name of “Calvinistic Methodists”. Thus here also it indicates in some way a confessional difference, but is applied as the name for special church denominations. Without doubt this practice would have been most severely criticized by Calvin himself. During his life-time, no Reformed Church ever dreamed of naming the Church of Christ after any man. The Lutherans have done this, the Reformed Churches never. – But beyond this sectarian, confessional, and denominational use of the name “Calvinist”, it serves moreover, in the fourth place, as a scientific name, either in a historical, philosophical or political sense. Historically, the name of Calvinism indicates the channel in which the Reformation moved, so far as it was neither Lutheran, nor Anabaptist nor Socinian. In the philosophical sense, we understand by it that system of conceptions which, under the influence of the master-mind of Calvin, raised itself to dominance in the several spheres of life. And as a political name, Calvinism indicates that political movement which has guaranteed the liberty of nations 8 in constitutional statesmanship; first in Holland, then in England, and since the close of the last century in the United States. In this scientific sense, the name of Calvinism is especially current among German scholars. And the fact that this not only is the opinion of those who are themselves of Calvinistic sympathies, but that also scholars who have abandoned every confessional standard of Christianity, nevertheless assign this profound significance to Calvinism. This appears from the testimony borne by three of our best men of science, the first of whom, Dr. Robert Fruin, declares that: “Calvinism came into the Netherlands consisting of a logical system of divinity, of a democratic Church-order of its own, impelled by a severely moral sense, and as enthusiastic for the moral as for the religious reformation of mankind”. 2) Another historian, who was even more outspoken in his rationalistic sympathies, writes: “Calvinism is the highest form of development reached by the religious and political principle in the 16th century” 3). And a third authority acknowledges that Calvinism has liberated Switzerland, the Netherlands, and England, and 9 in the Pilgrim Fathers has provided the impulse to the prosperity of the United States. 4) Similarly Bancroft, among you, acknowledged that Calvinism “has a theory of ontology, of ethics, of social happiness, and of human liberty, all derived from God”. 5) Only in this last-named, strictly scientific sense do I desire to speak to you on Calvinism as an independent general tendency, which from a mother-principle of its own, has developed an independent form both for our life and 10 for our thought among the nations of Western Europe and North America, and at present even in South Africa.

A clareza de apresentação requer que nesta primeira palestra, eu estabeleça a concepção do Calvinismo historicamente. Para evitar equívocos, devemos primeiro saber o que não deveríamos, e o que deveríamos entender por Calvinismo. Partindo, portanto, do uso corrente do termo, vejo que este de modo algum é o mesmo em diferentes países e em diferentes esferas de vida.

O nome calvinista é usado em nossos dias primeiro como um nome sectário. Este não é o caso nos países Protestantes, mas nos Católicos romanos, especialmente na Hungria e na França. Na Hungria, as Igrejas Reformadas têm cerca de dois milhões e meio de membros, e tanto na imprensa romanista como na Judaica daquele país, os membros da Igreja Reformada são constantemente estigmatizados pelo nome não oficial de “calvinistas”, um nome pejorativo aplicado até mesmo àqueles que se despojaram de todos os traços de simpatia com a fé de seus pais.

O mesmo fenômeno se manifesta na França, especialmente na região Sul, onde “calvinista” [calviniste] é igualmente, e até mais enfaticamente, um estigma sectário, que não se refere à fé ou confissão da pessoa estigmatizada, mas simplesmente é colocado sobre todos os membros das Igrejas Reformadas, mesmo que ele tenha idéias ateístas. George Thiébaud, conhecido por sua propaganda anti-semita, tem ao mesmo tempo, revivido na França um espírito anticalvinista, e até mesmo no caso Dreyfus,7 “Judeus e calvinistas” foram acusados por ele como as duas forças antinacionais, prejudiciais ao “espírito gaulês”

Diretamente oposto a este, está o segundo uso da palavra Calvinismo, e eu o chamo de o confessional. Neste sentido, um calvinista é representado exclusivamente como o subscritor sincero do dogma da predestinação. Aqueles que desaprovam esta forte ligação com a doutrina da predestinação cooperam com os polemistas romanistas, visto que chamando você de “calvinista”, eles o descrevem como uma vítima da mesquinhez dogmática; e o que é ainda pior, como sendo perigoso para a verdadeira seriedade da vida moral. Este é um estigma tão visivelmente ofensivo que teólogos como Hodge,8 os quais com plena convicção foram defensores públicos da Predestinação, e consideravam uma honra ser calvinistas, apesar disso, estavam tão profundamente impressionados com o desfavor vinculado ao “nome calvinista”, que por amor à sua confiante convicção, preferiam falar de Agostinianismo que de Calvinismo.

O título denominacional de alguns Batistas e Metodistas indica um terceiro uso do nome calvinista. Ninguém menos que Spurgeon pertenceu à uma classe de Batistas que, na Inglaterra, chamavam-se de “Batistas calvinistas”, e os Metodistas Whitefield9, em Gales, até o dia de hoje, mantém o nome de “Metodistas calvinistas”. Assim, aqui também, ele indica de algum modo uma diferença confessional, mas é aplicado como o nome de uma denominação eclesiástica especial. Sem dúvida, esta prática teria sido severamente criticada pelo próprio Calvino. Durante seu tempo de vida nenhuma Igreja Reformada jamais sonhou em dar nome de algum homem à Igreja de Cristo. Os Luteranos têm feito isto, as Igrejas Reformadas nunca.

Mas além deste uso sectário, confessional e denominacional do nome “Calvinismo”, ele o serve; além disso, em quarto lugar como um nome científico, quer em um sentido histórico, filosófico ou político. Historicamente, o nome Calvinismo indica o canal pelo qual a Reforma se moveu, até onde ela não foi nem Luterana, nem Anabatista, nem Sociniana. No sentido filosófico, entendemos por Calvinismo aquele sistema de concepções que, sob a influência da mente mestre de Calvino, levantou-se para dominar nas diversas esferas da vida. E como um nome político, o Calvinismo indica aquele movimento político que tem garantido a liberdade das nações em governo constitucional; primeiro na Holanda, então na Inglaterra, e desde o final do último século nos Estados Unidos. No sentido científico, o nome Calvinismo é atualmente usado entre os eruditos alemães. E o fato é que esta não é apenas a opinião daqueles que são simpáticos ao Calvinismo, mas também dos eruditos que abandonaram todo padrão confessional da Cristandade, contudo, atribuem este profundo significado ao Calvinismo. Isto evidencia-se no testemunho mantido por três de nossos melhores homens de ciência, o primeiro dos quais, o dr. Robert Fruin, declara que: “O Calvinismo veio para a Holanda consistindo em um sistema lógico de divindade, em uma ordem eclesiástica democrática própria, impelida por um sentido rigorosamente moral, e entusiasmado tanto pela reforma moral como pela reforma religiosa da humanidade”.10 Um outro historiador, que foi ainda mais sincero em sua simpatia racionalista, escreve: “O Calvinismo é a mais alta forma de desenvolvimento alcançada pelo princípio religioso e político no século 16”.11 E uma terceira autoridade reconhece que o Calvinismo libertou a Suíça, a Holanda e a Inglaterra e, por meio dos Pais Peregrinos,12 promoveu o impulso para a prosperidade dos Estados Unidos.13 Semelhantemente, Bancroft, entre vocês, reconhece que o Calvinismo “tem uma teoria de ontologia, de ética, de felicidade social e de liberdade humana, derivada totalmente de Deus”.14

Somente neste último sentido, o estritamente científico, desejo falar a vocês sobre o Calvinismo como tendência geral independente, que de um princípio matrix próprio, tem desenvolvido uma forma independente tanto para nossa vida como para nosso pensamento entre as nações da Europa Ocidental e da América do Norte e, no presente, até mesmo na África do Sul.

Для ясности я должен в первой лекции определить исторически понятие кальвинизма. Чтобы избежать недоразумений, нужно с самого начала выяснить, что именно мы будем понимать под этим словом. Начав с его современного смысла, я обнаружил, что он совсем не одинаков для разных стран и разных сфер жизни. Прежде всего термин «кальвинизм» используется в наше время как обозначение секты, и не только в протестантских, но и в католических странах, особенно в Венгрии и во Франции. Реформатские церкви Венгрии насчитывают около двух с половиной миллионов верующих; папистская и иудейская пресса этой страны постоянно именует их «кальвинистами», применяя это неофициальное наименование даже к тем, кто уже давно отошел от веры отцов. Во Франции, особенно на Юге, слово «кальвинист» звучит еще более подчеркнуто как сектантское обозначение, которое свидетельствует не о вере или религиозных убеждениях, но лишь о принадлежности к Реформатской церкви, даже если человек — вообще атеист. Жорж Тьебо, известный своим антисемитизмом, возродил во Франции и антикальвинизм; даже в деле Дрейфуса он объединил «евреев и кальвинистов» как две чужеродные силы, враждебные «галльскому духу».

Полностью противоположно второе употребление слова «кальвинист», которое я называю конфессиональным. В этом значении кальвинист — это прежде всего убежденный приверженец догмы о предопределении. Те, кто не одобряет столь сильную приверженность этой доктрине, сходятся с папистскими критиками в том, что, называя вас «кальвинистом», приписывают вам догматическую узость, и, что еще хуже, считают, что вы несете серьезную опасность нравственной жизни. Этот ярлык настолько вызывающ, что подействовал даже на таких теологов, как Ходж, которые убежденно и прямо проповедовали предопределение и считали за честь исповедовать кальвинизм; они до такой степени были подавлены неприязнью к наименованию «кальвинист», что для того чтобы не мешать распространению своих идей, стали говорить не о кальвинизме, а об августинианстве.

На третий смысл термина «кальвинизм» указывают названия некоторых баптистских и методистских деноминаций. Сам Сперджен принадлежал к тем английским баптистам, которые называют себя «баптистами-кальвинистами», а методисты Уитфилдовского2 толка в Уэльсе и по сей день называют себя «методистами-кальвинистами». Определенным образом это указывает на конфессиональные различия, но применяется к конкретной деноминации. Без сомнения, Кальвин резко бы это осудил. В его время ни одна Реформатская церковь не собиралась называть себя чьим-либо именем. Лютеране пошли на это, реформаты — нет.

Помимо сектантского, конфессионального и деноминационного значений существует и четвертое, научное использование термина и в историческом, и в философском, и в политическом смысле. Исторически слово «кальвинизм» обозначает основное течение Реформации, отличное от лютеранства, анабаптизма и социнианства. В философском плане оно обозначает систему взглядов, которая, под воздействием такого могучего разума, каким обладал Кальвин, утвердила свое господство в нескольких сферах жизни. А в политическом смысле кальвинизм — это движение, которое обеспечило народам свободу, введя конституционное правление сначала в Голландии, затем — в Англии, а с конца XVIII века и в Соединенных Штатах. В этом научном значении слово «кальвинизм» особенно распространено среди немецких ученых. Не только те из них, кто сочувствует кальвинизму, но и те, кто давно ушел от христианства любого исповедания, признают, что он сыграл большую роль. Это видно из свидетельства трех наших крупнейших ученых, один из которых, д-р Роберт Фрейн, говорит: «Кальвинизм принес в Нидерланды стройную и логичную систему теологических знаний, демократическую систему церковного устройства, способствующую нравственной строгости, и стремление к нравственной и религиозной реформации человечества». Другой историк, еще более известный своими симпатиями к рационализму, пишет: «Кальвинизм был величайшим достижением религиозной и политической мысли XVI века». Третий авторитетный ученый признает, что именно кальвинизм освободил Швейцарию, Нидерланды и Англию, а отцы-пилигримы заложили основы процветания Соединенных Штатов. Точно так же у вас Бэнкрофт признает, что у кальвинизма есть учение «…и о бытии, и о морали, и об общественном благополучии, и о человеческой свободе, берущее свое начало от Бога»3. Я буду говорить с вами о кальвинизме только в этом, строго научном смысле, как о самостоятельной общей тенденции, которая на собственной основе смогла развить независимую форму и нашей жизни, и нашей мысли среди народов Западной Европы и Северной Америки, а теперь — даже в Южной Африке.

Het terrein, waarop ge dit Calvinisme ziet optreden, is dan ook veel breeder dan enghartige confessioneele opvatting vaak waant. Juist de weerzin tegen het zich als Kerk noemen naar een mensch, werd oorzaak, dat men in Frankrijk sprak van „Hugenoten”, in Nederland van „Geuzen”, in Groot-Brittannië van „Puriteinen” en „Presbyterianen”, straks onder u van „Pilgrimfathers;” en dat toch alle deze uitingen van reformatorisch, en op ons beider continent, van het „Gereformeerde” leven, van Calvinistische herkomst waren. Zelfs mag de omvang van het Calvinistisch gebied niet beperkt worden tot deze zijn meer zuivere openbaringen. Zoo doet ge met het Christendom ook niet, maar rekent tot het Christelijk erf ook Rusland, ook de Balkanstaten, ook de Armeniërs en ook zelfs Meneliks rijk in Abyssinië. Naar denzelfden regel behoort ge dus ook tot het Calvinistische erf te rekenen, wat in eenig opzicht de zuivere lijn verliet. Zoo is de Church of England in haar 39 Artikelen zeer stellig Calvinistisch, ook al verliet ze in haar hiërarchie en liturgie het rechte pad, om straks in Puseyanisme en Rituralisme op de bedenkelijke gevolgen van deze afdoling te stooten. Even beslist Calvinistisch was de Confessie der Independenten, ook al verbrak in hun kerkbegrip het individualisme de organische structuur. en al zijn de meeste Methodisten geëindigd met onder Wesley’s inspiratie tegen de theologische grondopvatting van het Calvinisme in verzet te komen, toch was het juist de Calvinistische geest die deze geestelijke reactie tegen een destijds almeer versteenende Kerk in het leven riep. In zekeren zin kan men zelfs zeggen, dat het geheele veld dat ten slotte door de Reformatie bestreken werd, voor zoover het niet Luthersch was, en niet Sociniaansch, in beginsel door het Calvinisme beheerscht werd. Zelfs het Baptisme zocht toevlucht in de Calvinistische tente. Juist de vrije aard van het Calvinisme bracht dit opkomen van allerlei schakeeringen en afwijkingen en van reactiën tegen deze afwijkingen met zich. Het Romanisme blijft één en eenvormig door zijn hiërarchie. Het Lutherdom dankt gelijke eenheid en eenvormigheid aan het 8 overwicht van den landsvorst als „summus episcopus” en aan zijn ecclesia docens. Het Calvinisme daarentegen, dat noch kerkelijke hiërarchie, noch magistrale inmenging, noch een ecclesia docens huldigt, kon zich niet anders dan in veelvormige schakeering ontwikkelen, maar moest dan ook, juist door die schakeeringen, het gevaar der afwijking, en tegen dit gevaar een altoos eenzijdige reactie in het leven roepen. Bij een vrije levensontwikkeling als het Calvinisme bedoelde, moest zich het onderscheid afteekenen tusschen het centrum met zijn volle, zuivere levenskracht, en den breeden omtrekt met zijn bedenkelijke verflauwingen; maar juist in dien rusteloozen strijd tusschen zuivere en min zuivere ontwikkeling, was de gestadige doorwerking van zijn geest aan het Calvinisme gewaarborgd.

The domain of Calvinism is indeed far broader than the narrow confessional interpretation would lead us to suppose. The aversion to naming the Church after a man gave rise to the fact, that though in France the Protestants were called "Huguenots", in the Netherlands "Beggars", in Great Britain "Puritans" and "Presbyterians", and in North America "Pilgrim Fathers", yet all these products of the reformation which on your continent and ours bore the special Reformed type .... were of Calvinistic origin. But the extent of the Calvinistic domain should not be limited to these purer revelations. Nobody applies such an exclusive rule to Christianity. Within its boundaries we embrace not only Western Europe, but also Russia, the Balkan States, the Armenians, and even Menelik's empire in Abyssinia. Therefore it is but just that in the same way we should include in the Calvinistic fold those churches also which have diverged more or less from its purer forms. In her 39 articles the Church of England is strictly Calvinistic, even though in her Hierarchy and Liturgy she has abandoned the straight paths, and has met with the serious results of this departure in Pusyism and Ritualism. The confession of the Independents was equally Calvinistic, even though in their conception of the Church, the organic structure was broken by individualism. And if under the leadership of Wesley most Methodists became opposed to the theological interpretation of Calvinism, it is nevertheless the Calvinistic 9 spirit itself that created this spiritual reaction against the petrifying church-life of the times. In a given sense therefore it may be said, that the entire field which in the end was covered by the Reformation, so far as it was not Lutheran and not Socinian, was dominated in principle by Calvinism. Even the Baptists applied for shelter at the tents of the Calvinists. It is the free character of Calvinism that accounts for the rise of these several shades and differences, and of the reactions against their excesses. By its hierarchy Romanism is and remains uniform. Lutheranism owes its similar unity and uniformity to the ascendency of the prince, whose relation to the Church is that of "summus episcopus" and to its "ecclesia docens". Calvinism on the other hand, which sanctions no ecclesiastical hierarchy, and no magisterial interference, could not develop itself except in many and varied forms and deviations, thereby of course incurring the danger of degeneration, provoking in its turn all kind of one-sided reactions. With the free development of life, such as was intended by Calvinism, the distinction could not fail to appear between a centrum, with its fulness and purity of vitality and strength, and the broad circumference with its threatening declensions. But in that very conflict between a pure and less pure development the steady working of its spirit was guaranteed to Calvinism.

The domain of Calvinism is indeed far broader than the narrow confessional interpretation would lead us to suppose. The aversion to naming the Church after a man gave rise to the fact that though in France the Protestants were called “Huguenots”, in the Netherlands 11 “Beggars”, in Great Britain “Puritans” and “Presbyterians”, and in North America “Pilgrim Fathers”, yet all these products of the Reformation which on your Continent and ours bore the special Reformed type, were of Calvinistic origin. But the extent of the Calvinistic domain should not be limited to these purer revelations. Nobody applies such an exclusive rule to Christianity. Within its boundaries we embrace not only Western Europe, but also Russia, the Balkan States, the Armenians, and even Menelik’s empire in Abyssinia. Therefore it is but just that in the same way we should include in the Calvinistic fold those Churches also which have diverged more or less from its purer forms. In her XXXIX Articles, the Church of England is strictly Calvinistic, even though in her Hierarchy and Liturgy she has abandoned the straight paths, and has met with the serious results of this departure in Puseyism and Ritualism. The Confession of the Independents was equally Calvinistic, even though in their conception of the Church the organic structure was broken by individualism. And if under the leadership of Wesley most Methodists became opposed to the theological interpretation of Calvinism, it is nevertheless the Calvinistic spirit itself that created this spiritual reaction against the petrifying church-life of the times. In a given sense, therefore, it may be said that the entire field which in the end was covered by the Reformation, so far as it was not Lutheran and not Socinian, was dominated in principle by Calvinism. Even the Baptists applied for shelter at the tents of the Calvinists. It is the free character of Calvinism that accounts for the rise of these several shades and 12 differences, and of the reactions against their excesses. By its hierarchy, Romanism is and remains uniform. Lutheranism owes its similar unity and uniformity to the ascendancy of the prince, whose relation to the Church is that of “summus episcopus” and to its “ecclesia docens”. Calvinism on the other hand, which sanctions no ecclesiastical hierarchy, and no magisterial interference, could not develop itself except in many and varied forms and deviations, thereby of course incurring the danger of degeneration, provoking in its turn all kinds of one-sided reactions. With the free development of life, such as was intended by Calvinism, the distinction could not fail to appear between a centre, with its fulness and purity of vitality and strength, and the broad circumference with its threatening declensions. But in that very conflict between a purer centre and a less pure circumference the steady working of its spirit was guaranteed to Calvinism.

O campo do Calvinismo é, de fato, muito mais extenso que a interpretação confessional limitada nos levaria a supor. A aversão a nomear a Igreja com nome de homem deu origem ao fato que, embora na França os Protestantes fossem chamados de “Huguenotes”, na Holanda de “Mendigos”15 (Beggars), na Grã-Bretanha de “Puritanos” e de “Presbiterianos”, e na América do Norte de “Pais Peregrinos”, todos estes são produtos da Reforma que, em seu continente ou no nosso, sustentaram um tipo especial reformado, eram de origem calvinista.

Mas a extensão do campo calvinista não deveria ser limitado a estas revelações mais simples. Ninguém aplica uma regra exclusiva como esta ao Cristianismo. Dentro de seus limites nós incluímos não somente a Europa Ocidental, mas também a Rússia, os Estados dos Balcãs,16 os Armênios, e até mesmo o império de Menelik na Abissínia.17 Portanto, é justo que do mesmo modo deveríamos incluir no aprisco calvinista também aquelas Igrejas que tem mais ou menos divergido de sua forma mais pura. Em seus 39 Artigos, a Igreja da Inglaterra é estritamente calvinista, ainda que, em sua hierarquia e liturgia tenha abandonado os caminhos retos, e tenha encontrado as sérias conseqüências deste desvio em puseísmo18 e ritualismo. A Confissão dos Independentes19 era igualmente calvinista, apesar que em sua concepção sobre a Igreja a estrutura orgânica foi enfraquecida pelo individualismo. E, se sob a liderança de Wesley, muitos Metodistas tornaram-se opostos à interpretação teológica do Calvinismo, não obstante, é o espírito do Calvinismo em si que criou esta reação espiritual contra a petrificante vida da Igreja de seus dias. Em um certo sentido, portanto, pode ser dito que todo campo que foi coberto pela Reforma, até onde ele não era luterano nem sociniano, foi, a princípio, dominado pelo Calvinismo. Até mesmo os Batistas aplicaram-se em abrigar-se nas tendas dos calvinistas. É o caráter livre do Calvinismo que explica o aumento destes vários tons e diferenças, e das reações contra seus excessos.

Por sua hierarquia, o Romanismo é e permanece uniforme. O Luteranismo deve sua semelhante unidade e uniformidade à ascendência do príncipe, cuja relação com a Igreja é aquela de “summus episcopus”20 para sua “ecclesia docens” 21. O Calvinismo, por outro lado, que não sanciona nenhuma hierarquia eclesiástica nem interferência magistral, não poderia desenvolver-se exceto em muitas e variadas formas e derivações, certamente incorrendo assim no perigo de degeneração, provocando a sua volta todo tipo de reações unilaterais. Com o livre desenvolvimento da vida, tal como era pretendido pelo Calvinismo, não poderia deixar de aparecer distinção entre um centro, com sua plenitude e pureza de vitalidade e força, e a ampla circunferência com seus declínios ameaçadores. Mas nesse próprio conflito entre um centro mais puro e uma circunferência menos pura, o constante trabalho de seu espírito foi garantido pelo Calvinismo.

Сфера кальвинизма гораздо шире, чем может показаться, если судить со строго конфессиональных позиций. Не желая называть церковь именем человека, французские протестанты стали именовать себя «гугенотами», нидерландские — «беггарами», английские и шотландские — «пуританами» и «пресвитерианами», североамериканские — «отцами-пилигримами». Все эти наследники Реформации, и на вашем, и на нашем континенте принадлежащие к реформатам, имеют кальвинистское происхождение. Но область кальвинизма не надо ограничивать самыми чистыми его проявлениями. Никто ведь не пытается ограничивать так христианство — оно охватывает не только Западную Европу, но и Россию, Балканы, армян и даже империю Менелика в Абиссинии. Точно так же в число кальвинистов можно включить и те церкви, которые в той или иной степени отличаются от чистых форм. В своих «Тридцати девяти статьях» Церковь Англии придерживается строго кальвинистских позиций, хотя в литургии и церковной иерархии эта церковь отошла от чистоты реформатской традиции; результатами такого серьезного отступничества стали пьюзеизм и ритуализм. Индепенденты тоже исповедуют кальвинизм, хотя в своем учении об устройстве церкви они заменили индивидуализмом органичное единство. Под водительством Уэсли большинство методистов отошло от теологических построений кальвинизма, но в самой их духовной реакции на отмирание церковной жизни проявился его дух. Следовательно, в определенном смысле можно сказать: все, что подверглось влиянию Реформации, но не стало лютеранским или социнианским, в принципе находилось под влиянием кальвинизма. Даже баптисты находили пристанище в шатрах кальвинистов. Именно свободный дух кальвинизма позволил зародиться и самим этим течениям, и реакциям на их крайности. В силу своего иерархического устройства католицизм всегда остается однородным. Однородно и лютеранство, зависящее от светской власти; «князья» в их церкви — те же епископы, определяющие доктрину. Кальвинизм же, не допускающий ни церковной иерархии, ни вмешательства светских властей, не мог не развить множество форм и направлений, подвергаясь при этом, конечно, и опасностям упадка, провоцирующим самые различные тенденциозные реакции. При свободном развитии жизни, которую и предусматривает кальвинизм, непременно возникнет различие между основным течением, обладающим полнотой и чистотой жизни и силы, и множеством боковых течений, которым присущи те или иные радикальные уклоны. Но само противостояние чистого центризма и менее чистых течений обеспечивает кальвинизму постоянный созидательный дух.

Aldus opgevat wortelde het Calvinisme in een eigen vorm van religie, en ontwikkelde zich uit dit eigenaardig religieus besef, vooreerst een eigen Theologie, daarna een eigen Kerkorde, en voorts een eigenaardige vorm voor het staatkundige en maatschappelijk leven, voor de opvatting der zedelijke wereldorde, voor de verhouding tusschen natuur en genade, tusschen Christendom en wereld, tusschen Kerk en Staat, en ten slotte voor kunst en wetenschap, en toch bleef het in alle deze levensuitingen het ééne en zelfde Calvinisme, overmits alle deze ontwikkelingen gelijkelijk en spontaan uit eenzelfde levensbeginsel voortkwamen. In zooverre staat het dus op één lijn met die andere complexen van menschelijk leven, die we gewoon zijn met den naam van Paganisme en Islamisme, van Romanisme en Protestantisme, te noemen, als aanduiding van vier eigen werelden in onze ééne wereld. En al is het nu dat ge met Paganisme en Islamisme strikt genomen het Christianisme te coördineren hebt, toch laat het Calvinisme zich hiermede daarom te beter op één lijn stellen, omdat het de pretentie maakt, juister en zuiverder dan het Romanisme en Lutheranisme beide de Christelijke idee te belichamen. In de Grieksche wereld van Rusland en de Balkanstaten overheerscht nog het nationale element, en heeft zich uit den wortel der mystieke orthodoxie nog een eigen levensvorm ontwikkeld. In de Luthersche landen heeft Overheidsbemoeiing de doorwerking van 9 het geestelijk beginsel verhinderd. Alleen van het Romanisme kan gezegd, dat het zijn levensgedachte in een eigen wereld van gewaarwordingen en levensuitingen belichaamde. Maar naast en tegenover dat Romanisme trad nu het Calvinisme op, niet alleen om een anderen kerkvorm, maar om een geheel anderen vorm voor het menschelijk leven te scheppen, een andere bestaanswijze aan de menschelijke maatschappij te geven, en met andere idealen en voorstellingen de wereld van het menschelijk hart te bevolken.

Thus understood Calvinism is rooted in a form of religion which was peculiarly its own, and from this specific religious consciousness there was developed first a peculiar theology, then a special church-order, and then a given form for political and social life, for the interpretation of the moral world-order, for the relation between nature and grace, between Christianity and the world, between church and state, and finally for art and science, and amid all these life-utterances it remained always the self-same Calvinism, in so far as simultaneouly and spontaneously all these developments sprang from its deepest life-principle. 10 Hence to this extent it stands in line with those other great complexes of human life, known as Paganism, Islamism, Romanism and Protestantism, by which we distinguish four entirely different worlds in the one collective world of human life. And if strictly considered you should coordinate Christianity and not Protestantism with Paganism and Islamism, it is nevertheless better to place Calvinism in line with them, because Calvinism claims to embody the Christian idea more purely and accurately than could Romanism and Lutheranism. In the Greek world of Russia and the Balkan States the national element is still dominant, and therefore the Christian faith in these countries has not been able to produce a form of life of its own from the root of its mystical orthodoxy. In Lutheran countries the interference of the magistrate has prevented the free working of the spiritual principle. Hence of Romanism only can it be said, that it has embodied its life-thought in a world of conceptions and utterances entirely its own. But by the side of Romanism, and in opposition to it, Calvinism made its appearance, not merely to create a different Church-form, but an entirely different form for human life, to furnish human society with a different method of existence, and to populate the world of the human heart with different ideals and conceptions.

Thus understood, Calvinism is rooted in a form of religion which was peculiarly its own, and from this specific religious consciousness there was developed first a peculiar theology, then a special church-order, and then a given form for political and social life, for the interpretation of the moral world-order, for the relation between nature and grace, between Christianity and the world, between church and state, and finally for art and science; and amid all these life-utterances it remained always the self-same Calvinism, in so far as simultaneously and spontaneously all these developments sprang from its deepest life-principle. Hence to this extent it stands in line with those other great complexes of human life, 13 known as Paganism, Islamism and Romanism, by which we distinguish four entirely different worlds in the one collective world of human life. And if, speaking precisely, you should co-ordinate Christianity and not Calvinism with Paganism and Islamism, it is nevertheless better to place Calvinism in line with them, because Calvinism claims to embody the Christian idea more purely and accurately than could Romanism and Lutheranism. In the Greek world of Russia and the Balkan States, the national element is still dominant, and therefore the Christian faith in these countries has not yet been able to produce a form of life of its own from the root of its mystical orthodoxy. In Lutheran countries, the interference of the magistrate has prevented the free working of the spiritual principle. Hence of Romanism only can it be said that it has embodied its life-thought in a world of conceptions and utterances entirely its own. But by the side of Romanism, and in opposition to it, Calvinism made its appearance, not merely to create a different Church-form, but an entirely different form for human life, to furnish human society with a different method of existence, and to populate the world of the human heart with different ideals and conceptions.

Assim entendido, o Calvinismo está enraizado em uma forma de religião que era peculiarmente própria, e desta consciência religiosa específica desenvolveu-se primeiro uma Teologia peculiar, depois uma ordem eclesiástica especial, e então uma certa forma de vida política e social, para a interpretação da ordem moral do mundo, para a relação entre a natureza e a graça, entre o Cristianismo e o mundo, entre a Igreja e o Estado, e finalmente para a Arte e a Ciência; e em meio a todas estas expressões de vida ele continuou sempre o mesmo Calvinismo, à medida que, simultânea e espontaneamente, todos estes desenvolvimentos nasceram de seu mais profundo princípio de vida.

Por isso, nesta extensão, permanece alinhado com aqueles outros grandes complexos da vida humana, conhecidos como Paganismo, Islamismo e Romanismo, pelos quais nós distinguimos quatro mundos diferentes no único mundo coletivo da vida humana. E, falando claramente, vocês deveriam classificar o Cristianismo e não o Calvinismo com o Paganismo e o Islamismo, todavia é melhor colocar o Calvinismo alinhado com eles, porque o Calvinismo reivindica incorporar a idéia cristã mais pura e acurada do que poderia fazer o Romanismo e o Luteranismo.

No mundo grego da Rússia e nos Estados dos Balcãs o elemento nacional ainda é dominante, portanto, a fé cristã nestes países ainda não tem sido capaz de produzir uma forma de vida própria, da raiz de sua ortodoxia mística. Nos países Luteranos, a interferência do magistrado tem impedido a livre operação do princípio espiritual. Portanto, somente do Romanismo pode ser dito que tem incorporado seu pensamento de vida, num mundo de concepções e expressões inteiramente próprias dele. Mas ao lado do Romanismo, e em oposição a ele, surge o Calvinismo, não simplesmente para criar uma forma de Igreja diferente, mas uma forma inteiramente diferente para a vida humana, para suprir a sociedade humana com um método diferente de existência, e para povoar o mundo do coração humano com ideais e concepções diferentes.

Понимаемый таким образом кальвинизм представляет собой особую форму религии. Из этого религиозного сознания вначале развилась собственная теология, затем — особое церковное устройство, а затем и определенные формы политической и общественной жизни, которые дали возможность определенным образом проинтерпретировать нравственный миропорядок, отношения природы и благодати, христианства и мира, церкви и государства, и даже науки и искусства. Во всем этом многообразии проявлений кальвинизм оставался самим собой, поскольку все эти проявления естественно и самопроизвольно возникли из его глубинного жизненного принципа. Поэтому он и стоит в одном ряду с другими великими системами организации человеческой жизни — язычеством, католицизмом, исламом, и все они образуют в одном общем четыре совершенно разных мира. И если задаться целью сопоставить христианство с исламом и язычеством, то все же лучше сопоставлять именно кальвинизм, потому что он воплощает христианство гораздо чище и точнее, чем католицизм и лютеранство. В греко-православном мире — в России и Балканских странах — в религии все еще доминирует чисто национальный элемент, и потому христианство еще не сформировало соответствующую форму жизни на основе своего мистического правоверия. В лютеранских же странах вмешательство светской власти препятствует свободному действию духовного принципа. Только католицизм воплотил свое миропонимание во множестве принципов и правил. Однако рядом с ним и в противовес ему появился кальвинизм, чтобы породить не только новую форму церковного устройства, но и совершенно новую форму человеческой жизни, дать людям иной способ существования, и заселить мир человеческого сердца иными идеями и представлениями.

Dat dit eerst in onze eeuw, als vrucht van deger historisch onderzoek door vriend en vijand is ingezien, bevreemde u niet. Dit zou niet zoo geweest zijn, indien het Calvinisme in het leven ware getreden, na eerst als stelsel te zijn doorgedacht, en alzoo als vrucht van denken aan het leven ware opgelegd. Doch dit was nietzoo. Het leven was hier eerst. Voor het Calvinisme was het leven hoofdzaak. Er was te veel te doen, en te lijden, om tijd voor na- en doordenken te laten. En wat heerschte was de Calvinistische practijk op den brandstapel en op het slagveld. Bovendien noch de Zwitsers, noch de Nederlanders, noch de Engelschen en Schotten, de volken onde wie het veld won, waren van nature bijster philosophisch aangelegd. Vooral destijds leefde men onder deze volken gelijk men leefde, spontaan en vanzelf. En eerst daarna heeft men stuksgewijs het Calvinisme ingedacht, en niet dan veel later zijn geschiedvorschers en denkers zich rekenschap gaan geven van den samenhang der Calvinistische verschijnselen, en van de alles beheerschende eenheid van hun beginsel. Zelfs kan men zeggen, dat de behoefte aan het begripmatig en systematisch indenken van zulk een diep ingrijpend en allesomvattend levensverschijnsel, eerst dan opkomt, als het zijn eerste levenskracht heeft uitgeput, en het, om zich in de toekomst te handhaven, op juister afbakening van zijn grenzen bedacht heeft te zijn. Voegt ge daar nu bij, dat de drang, om zijn leven in den spiegel van zijn bewustzijn met eenheid van beeld te weerkaatsen, in onze meer philosophische eeuw zooveel sterker is geworden, dan springt het in het oog, waarom én de behoefte van het oogenblik, én bezorgdheid voor de toekomst, ons tot een dieper indenken van het wezen van het Calvinisme noodzaakt. Al wat Roomsch is, 10 weet waarvoor het leeft, omdat het met klare bewustheid geniet uit de eenheid van Romes levensopvatting. Zelfs in den Islam vindt ge dezelfde kracht van een door één beginsel beheerschte levensovertuiging. Alleen het Protestantisme doolt zonder stuur of richting om in de woestijn. Het trekt her- en derwaarts, maar komt niet vooruit. Hieruit verklaart het zich, dat het Pantheïsme dat, door de nieuwe Duitsche philosophie uitgebroed en aan Darwin zijn concreten evolutievorm dankend, almeer alle sferen van menschelijk leven, en zoo ook de Theologie, voor zich opeischt, onder Protestantsche theologen op zoo onrustbarende wijze, onder allerlei benaming, veld wint, en zich reeds opmaakt, om de erfenis onzer vaderen in handen van een modern Buddhisme over te spelen. Wat uit de Fransche revolutie op het eind der vorige, en uit de Duitsche philosophie in den loop dezer eeuw opkwam, is een wereld- en levensbeschouwing, die lijnrecht tegen die onzer vaderen overstaat. Hun strijd ging om de eere Gods en om een gezuiverd Christendom. De tegenwoordige beweging voert den strijd om de eere van den mensch, en ontvangt haar bezieling niet van Golgotha, maar van het Humanisme. En dat nu onze eigen kringen tegenover dit Modernisme zoo zwak stonden, en telkens terrein verloren, is uitsluitend daaruit te verklaren, dat wij die eenheid van levensconceptie misten, die alleen in staat is, een u vijandige levensconceptie met goed gevolg op uw grenzen af te wijzen. En die eenheid van levensconceptie nu geeft u niet het vage begrip van Protestantisme, dat zich in allerlei bochten wringt en kronkelt, maar vindt ge alleen in het machtig historisch proces, dat als Calvinisme zich een eigen bedding voor den geweldigen stroom van zijn leven groef. Dank zij het eenheidsbesef van het Calvinisme kunt gij hier in Amerika, kunnen wij in Europa, weer naast het Romanisme, en tegenover het Pantheïsme positie nemen. Zonder die eenheid van uitgangspunt en historische levensopvatting ontbreekt ons de kracht tot handhaving van onze zelfstandige positie, en ontzinkt ons de kracht tot verweer.


That this had not been realised until our time, and is now acknowledged by friend and enemy in consequence of a better study of history, should not surprise us. This would not have been the case, if Calvinism had entered life as a well-constructed system, and had presented itself as an outcome of study. But its origin came about in an entirely different way. In the order of existence life is first. And to Calvinism life itself was ever the first object of its endeavours. There was too much to do and to suffer to devote much time to study. What was dominant was Calvinistic practice at the stake and in the field of battle. Moreover the nations among whom Calvinism gained the day,— such as the Swiss, the Dutch, the English 11 and the Scotch— were by nature not very philosophically predisposed. Especially at that time life among those nations was spontaneous and void of calculation, and only later on has Calvinism in its parts become a subject of that special study by which historians and theologians have traced the relation between Calvinistic phenomena and the all-embracing unity of its principle. It can even be said that the need of a theoretic and systematic study of so incisive and comprehensive a phenomenon of life, only arises, when its first vitality has been exhausted, and when for the sake of maintaining itself in the future it is compelled to greater accuracy in the drawing of its boundary lines. And if to this you add the fact that the stress of reflecting our existence in the mirror of our consciousness with unity of image is far stronger in our philosophical age than it ever was before, it is readily seen that both the needs of the present, and the care for the future, compel us to a deeper stud)- of Calvinism. In the Romish Church everybody knows what he lives for, because with clear consciousness he enjoys the fruit of Rome's interpretation of life. Even in Islam you find the same power of a conviction of life dominated by one principle. Protestantism alone wanders about in the wilderness without aim or direction, moving hither and thither, without making any progress. This accounts for the fact that among Protestant nations Pantheism, born from the New German Philosophy and owing its concrete evolution-form to Darwin, claims for itself more and more the supremacy in every sphere of human life, even in that of theolog} 7 , and under all sorts of names tries to overthrow our Christian traditions, and is bent even upon exchanging the heritage of our fathers for a hopeless modern Buddhism. The leading thoughts, that had their rise in the French Revolution at the close of the last, and in German philosophy in the course of the present century, form together a world- and life-view which is diametrically opposed to that of our fathers. Their 12 struggles were for the sake of the glory of God and a purified Christianity, the present movement wages war for the sake of the glory of man, being inspired not by the humble mind of Golgotha but by the pride of Humanism. And why did we, Christians, stand so weak, in the face of this Modernism? Why did w r e constantly lose ground? Simply because we were devoid of an ecmal unity of life-conception, such as alone could enable us with irresistible energy to rebuff the enemy at the frontier. This unity of life-conception however is never to be found in a vague conception of Protestantism winding itself as it does in all kind of tortuosities but you do find it in that mighty historic process, which as Calvinism dug a channel of its own for the powerful stream of its life. By this unity of conception alone as given in Calvinism, you in America and w T e in Europe, might be enabled once again to take our stand, by the side of Romanism, in opposition to modern Pantheism. Without this unity of starting-point and historic interpretation of life the power must fail us to maintain our independent position, and our strength for insistence ebb away.

That this had not been realized until our time, and is now acknowledged by friend and enemy in consequence of a better study of history, should not surprise us. This would not have been the case, if Calvinism had entered life as a well constructed system, and had presented itself as an outcome of study. But its origin came about in an entirely different way. In the order of existence, life is first. And to Calvinism 14 life itself was ever the first object of its endeavors. There was too much to do and to suffer to devote much time to study. What was dominant was Calvinistic practice at the stake and in the field of battle. Moreover the nations among whom Calvinism gained the day, – such as the Swiss, the Dutch, the English and the Scotch – were by nature not very philosophically predisposed. Especially at that time, life among those nations was spontaneous and void of calculation; and only later on has Calvinism in its parts become a subject of that special study by which historians and theologians have traced the relation between Calvinistic phenomena and the all-embracing unity of its principle. It can even be said that the need of a theoretical and systematical study of so incisive and comprehensive a phenomenon of life only arises when its first vitality has been exhausted, and when for the sake of maintaining itself in the future, it is compelled to greater accuracy in the drawing of its boundary lines. And if to this you add the fact that the stress of reflecting our existence as a unity in the mirror of our consciousness is far stronger in our philosophical age than it ever was before, it is readily seen that both the needs of the present, and the care for the future, compel us to a deeper study of Calvinism. In the Roman Catholic Church everybody knows what he lives for, because with clear consciousness he enjoys the fruits of Rome’s unity of life-system. Even in Islâm you find the same power of a conviction of life dominated by one principle. Protestantism alone wanders about in the wilderness without aim or direction, moving hither and thither, 15without making any progress. This accounts for the fact that among Protestant nations Pantheism, born from the new German Philosophy and owing its concrete evolution-form to Darwin, claims for itself more and more the supremacy in every sphere of human life, even in that of theology, and under all sorts of names tries to overthrow our Christian traditions, and is bent even upon exchanging the heritage of our fathers for a hopeless modern Buddhism. The leading thoughts that had their rise in the French Revolution at the close of the last, and in German philosophy in the course of the present century, form together a life-system which is diametrically opposed to that of our fathers. Their struggles were for the sake of the glory of God and a purified Christianity; the present movement wages war for the sake of the glory of man, being inspired not by the humble mind of Golgotha but by the pride of Hero-worship. And why did we, Christians, stand so weak, in the face of this Modernism? Why did we constantly lose ground? Simply because we were devoid of an equal unity of life-conception, such as alone could enable us with irresistible energy to repel the enemy at the frontier. This unity of life-conception, however, is never to be found in a vague conception of Protestantism winding itself as it does in all kind of tortuosities, but you do find it in that mighty historic process, which as Calvinism dug a channel of its own for the powerful stream of its life. By this unity of conception alone as given in Calvinism, you in America and we in Europe might be enabled once more to take our stand, by the side of Romanism, in opposition to 16 modern Pantheism. Without this unity of starting point and life-system we must lose the power to maintain our independent position, and our strength for resistance must ebb away.


Não deveria nos surpreender que isso não foi compreendido até nossos dias, e que agora é reconhecido pelos amigos e inimigos como conseqüência de um estudo melhor da História. Esse não teria sido o caso, se o Calvinismo tivesse introduzido a vida como um sistema bem construído, e tivesse se apresentado como resultado de um estudo. Mas sua origem aconteceu de um modo inteiramente diferente. Na ordem da existência, a vida vem primeiro. E para o Calvinismo a vida em si sempre foi o primeiro objeto de seu esforço. Também havia muito a fazer e sofrer para se dedicar muito tempo ao estudo. O que era dominante era a prática calvinista “na estaca” e no campo de batalha. Além disso, as nações entre as quais o Calvinismo prosperou – tais como a suíça, a holandesa, a inglesa e a escocesa – não eram por natureza muito predispostas filosoficamente. Especialmente naquele tempo, a vida entre essas nações era espontânea e destituída de estimativa; e apenas mais tarde o Calvinismo, em suas partes, torna-se um assunto de estudo especial pelo qual os historiadores e teólogos têm traçado a relação entre os fenômenos calvinistas e a unidade abrangente de seu princípio. Pode até mesmo ser dito que a necessidade de um estudo teórico e sistemático de um fenômeno de vida tão incisivo e compreensivo surge somente quando sua primeira vitalidade tem sido exaurida, e quando, por causa da própria manutenção no futuro, é compelido à maior precisão na descrição de suas linhas divisórias. E se a isto vocês adicionam o fato de que a pressão de refletir nossa existência como uma unidade no espelho de nossa consciência é muito mais forte em nossa época filosófica do que jamais foi antes, é prontamente visto que tanto as necessidades do presente como o cuidado pelo futuro, obriga-nos a um estudo mais profundo do Calvinismo.

Na Igreja Católica Romana todos sabem pelo que viver, porque com consciência clara gozam os frutos da unidade do sistema de vida de Roma. Mesmo no Islamismo você encontra o mesmo poder de uma convicção de vida dominada por um princípio. Somente o Protestantismo vagueia por ai no deserto, sem objetivo ou direção, movendo-se daqui para lá, sem fazer qualquer progresso. Isso explica o fato de o Panteísmo nascido da nova Filosofia alemã e devendo sua forma concreta de evolução a Darwin, reivindicar entre as nações Protestantes mais e mais para si a supremacia em cada esfera da vida humana, mesmo no da Teologia, e sob todo tipo de nomes tenta derrubar nossas tradições cristãs, e até mesmo está inclinado a trocar a herança de nossos pais por um Budismo moderno inútil.

Os principais pensamentos que têm seu nascimento na Revolução Francesa, no final do século dezoito, e na Filosofia alemã no curso do século dezenove, formam juntos um sistema de vida que é diametralmente oposto àquele de nossos pais. Suas lutas foram por causa da glória de Deus e de um Cristianismo purificado; o movimento atual faz guerra por causa da glória do homem, sendo inspirado não pela mente humilde do Gólgota, mas pelo orgulho do culto a heróis.

E por que nós, cristãos, estamos tão fracos, diante deste Modernismo? Por que constantemente perdemos terreno? Simplesmente porque estamos destituídos de uma igual unidade de concepção da vida, somente isto poderia habilitar-nos com irresistível energia para repelir o inimigo na fronteira. Esta unidade de concepção da vida, contudo, nunca será encontrada num conceito vago do Protestantismo, envolvido em todo tipo de caminhos tortuosos; todavia, vocês o encontram naquele poderoso processo histórico, o qual o Calvinismo cavou seu próprio canal para o poderoso curso de sua vida. Apenas por essa unidade de concepção como dada no Calvinismo, vocês na América e nós na Europa, poderíamos ser capazes, uma vez mais, de tomar nossa posição ao lado do Romanismo, em oposição ao Panteísmo moderno. Sem essa unidade de ponto de partida e sistema de vida devemos perder o poder para manter nossa posição independente, e nossa força para resistir deve declinar.

Это обстоятельство не осознавалось до нашего времени, и лишь в результате более глубокого изучения истории его признали и друзья, и недруги. Этого бы не случилось, если бы кальвинизм предстал как единая, тщательно сконструированная система, плод академических штудий. Но он возник иначе. В порядке существования первична жизнь, и кальвинисты в первую очередь занялись ею. Столько предстояло сделать, столько перенести, что времени на штудии и выкладки не оставалось. Важна была именно практика кальвинизма, его жизнь и борьба. Более того, народы, среди которых он распространился, — швейцарцы, голландцы, англичане, шотландцы, от природы не очень склонны к философии. В те времена жизнь их была особенно спонтанной и лишена расчета. Лишь позже, когда кальвинизм стали исследовать, историки и богословы увидели, как связан кальвинизм со всеохватывающим единством его принципа. Можно даже сказать, что систематическое изучение такого сложного всеобъемлющего феномена начинается только тогда, когда первоначальный всплеск витальности затухнет и для дальнейшего развития требуется строже определить его границы. А если к этому добавить, что в наше философское время потребность осознать бытие, отразив его словно в зеркале в сознании, гораздо острее, чем когда-либо, то мы увидим, что и нужды современности, и забота о будущем побуждают нас к более глубокому изучению кальвинизма. В Католической церкви каждый знает, для чего живет, потому что искренне и ясно ощущает плоды единства римской системы жизни. Даже в исламе мы обнаружим убедительность жизненной системы, строящейся на едином принципе. Лишь протестантизм бродит по пустыне, ничуть не продвигаясь вперед. Дело в том, что среди протестантских народов усиливается пантеизм, рожденный современной немецкой философией, а своей нынешней конкретной эволюционной формой обязанный Дарвину. Он все активней требует главенства во всех сферах жизни, даже в теологии, под любым предлогом пытаясь уничтожить наше христианское наследие, и даже подменить учение наших отцов безнадежностью буддизма. Основные идеи, порожденные Французской революцией в конце прошлого столетия, и немецкая философия нашего столетия в совокупности образуют систему жизни, которая полностью противоположна системе наших отцов. Они боролись во славу Божию, стремясь очистить христианство. Теперь борются, чтобы возвеличить человека, черпая силы не в смирении Голгофы, но в гордыне поклонения героям. Почему мы, христиане, были так слабы в борьбе с модернизмом? Почему мы постоянно отступали? Да потому, что у нас нет единого мировоззрения, цельного понимания жизни, хотя только оно и могло бы дать нам непреодолимую мощь, которая отгонит врага от наших пределов. Этого цельного понимания жизни не найти в протестантизме, кишащем течениями и учениями, но она есть в том мощном историческом процессе, который под именем кальвинизма проложил свой собственный путь. Обретя его цельное миропонимание, вы в Америке и мы в Европе сможем, вместе с католиками, бороться против современного пантеизма. Без единого исходного принципа и единой системы жизни нам не удержать наших позиций, и наши силы иссякнут.

Juist dit hoog belang der zaak echter verbiedt ons zonder 11 nader bewijs aan te nemen, dat metterdaad in het Calvinisme zulk een eenheid van levensconceptie optrad, en dat we in het Calvinisme te doen hebben niet met een partiëel en tijdelijk historisch verschijnsel, maar met zulk een principiëel, alomvattend levenssysteem, als alleen in staat is, om uit het verleden opkomend, ons in het heden te sterken, en de hand op de toekomst te leggen. Ik heb mij dus af te vragen, welke de voorwaarden zijn, waaraan zoo algemeene levenssystemen als het Paganisme, het Islamisme, het Romanisme en het Modernisme herkend worden, en u aan te toonen dat metterdaad het Calvinisme ten volle aan die noodzakelijke voorwaarden beantwoordt.

The supreme interest here at stake however forbids our accepting without more positive proof the fact that Calvinism really provides us with such an unit}^ of life-conception, and that Calvinism is not a partial nor was a merely temporary phenomenon, but is an all-embracing system of principles, such as rooted in the past, is able to strengthen us in the present and to fill us with confidence for the future. Hence we must first ask what are the required conditions for such general systems of life, as Paganism, Tslamism, Romanism and Modernism, and then show that Calvinism really fulfills these conditions.

The supreme interest here at stake, however, forbids our accepting without more positive proof the fact that Calvinism really provides us with such a unity of life-system and we demand proofs of the assertion that Calvinism is not a partial, nor was a merely temporary phenomenon, but is such an all-embracing system of principles, as, rooted in the past, is able to strengthen us in the present and to fill us with confidence for the future. Hence we must first ask what are the required conditions for such general systems of life, as Paganism, Islamism, Romanism and Modernism, and then show that Calvinism really fulfills these conditions.

O supremo interesse aqui em jogo, contudo, proíbe-nos de aceitar, sem prova mais positiva, o fato que o Calvinismo realmente nos provê uma unidade de sistema de vida como esta, e exigimos provas da afirmação de que ele não é um fenômeno parcial, nem foi um fenômeno simplesmente temporário, mas é um sistema de princípios abrangente, que, enraizado no passado, é capaz de fortalecer-nos no presente e de encher-nos com confiança para o futuro. Portanto, primeiro devemos perguntar quais são as condições requeridas para sistemas gerais de vida, tais como o Paganismo, o Islamismo, o Romanismo e o Modernismo, e então mostrar que o Calvinismo realmente preenche essas condições.

Однако объективности ради мы не можем принять без более убедительных доказательств то, что у кальвинизма действительно есть единая система жизни. Нам нужно доказать, что он — не просто частичное, временное явление, но именно всеобъемлющая система принципов, которая, укореняясь в прошлом, способна поддержать нас сейчас и дать нам уверенность в будущем. Поэтому сначала выясним, каковы необходимые условия таких всеобщих систем жизни как язычество, ислам, католицизм и модернизм, а потом покажем, что кальвинизм этим условиям удовлетворяет.

Deze voorwaarden nu eischen in de eerste plaats, dat uit een eigen beginsel een eigen inzicht opkome voor de drie principiëele verhoudingen van alle menschelijk leven: 1º. onze verhouding tot God, 2º. onze verhouding tot den mensch en 3º. onze verhouding tot de wereld.

These conditions demand in the first place that from a special principle a peculiar insight should arise into the three fundamental relations of all human life; viz., l.our 13 relation to God 2. our relation to man, and 3. our relation to the world.

These conditions demand in the first place, that from a special principle a peculiar insight be obtained into the three fundamental relations of all human life: viz., 1. our relation to God, 2. our relation to man, and 3. our relation to the world.

Essas condições exigem, em primeiro lugar, que a partir de um princípio especial seja obtido um discernimento peculiar nas três relações fundamentais de toda vida humana: a saber, (1) nossa relação com Deus, (2) nossa relação com o homem, e (3) nossa relação com o mundo.

Прежде всего нужно, исходя из единого принципа, определить три основные отношения человеческой жизни — отношение к Богу, отношение к человеку, отношение к миру.

Voorop staat dus de eisch, dat zulk een actie haar uitgangspunt vinde in een bepaalde opvatting van onze verhouding tot God. Dit is niet toevallig, het moet zoo zijn, het kan niet anders. Zal toch zulk een actie op heel ons leven zijn stempel drukken, dan moet ze uitgaan van dàt punt in ons bewustzijn, waar ons leven nog ongedeeld bleef en nog in zijn eenheid ligt saamgevat, niet in de gespreide stengels, maar in den wortel waarop alle stengels uitschoten. En dat punt nu kan niet anders liggen dan in de tegenstelling tusschen al het eindige in ons menschelijk leven en het oneindige dat er achter ligt. Dáár alleen is de gemeenschappelijke bron, van waaruit de verschillende stroomen van ons menschelijk leven opkomen en zich verdeelen. Persoonlijk ervaren we dan ook gedurig, hoe in het diepst van ons gemoed, op het punt waar dit gemoed zich voor den Eeuwige ontsluit, alle stralen van ons leven als in één brandpunt samenvallen, en alleen daar die harmonie herwinnen, die ze in het leven zoo telkens en zoo pijnlijk verliezen. In het gebed ligt niet alleen onze eenheid met God, maar ook de eenheid van ons persoonlijk leven. Bewegingen in de historie die niet uit deze diepste bron vloeiden, zijn dan ook altoos partieel en voorbijgaande, en alleen die historische 12 actiën, die uit deze diepste diepte in ’s menschen persoonlijk bestaan opkwamen, omvatten heel het leven en bezaten duurzaamheid.

Hence the first claim demands : that such an action shall find its starting-point in a special interpretation of our relation to God. This is not accidental but imperative. If such an action is to put its impress upon our entire life, it must go out from that point in our consciousness, in which our life is still undivided and lies comprehended in its unity, — not in the spreading vines but in the root from which the vines spring. This point of course lies in the antithesis between all that is finite in our human life and the infinite that lies beyond it s Here alone we find the common source from which the different streams of our human life spring and separate themselves. Personally it is our repeated experience that in the depths of our hearts, at the point where we disclose ourselves to the Eternal One, all the rays of our life converge as in one focus, and there alone regain that harmony which we so often and so painfully lose in the stress of daily duty. In prayer lies not only our unity with God, but also the unity of our personal life. Movements in history therefore which do not spring from this deepest source are always partial and transient, and only those historical acts, which arose from these deepest depths of man's personal existence embrace the whole of life and possess the required permanence.

Hence the first claim demands that such a life system shall find its starting-point in a special interpretation of our relation to God. This is not accidental, but imperative. If such an action is to put its stamp upon our entire life, it must start from that point in our consciousness in which our life is still undivided and lies comprehended in its unity, – not in the spreading vines but in the root from which the vines spring. 17 This point, of course, lies in the antithesis between all that is finite in our human life and the infinite that lies beyond it. Here alone we find the common source from which the different streams of our human life spring and separate themselves. Personally it is our repeated experience that in the depths of our hearts, at the point where we disclose ourselves to the Eternal One, all the rays of our life converge as in one focus, and there alone regain that harmony which we so often and so painfully lose in the stress of daily duty. In prayer lies not only our unity with God, but also the unity of our personal life. Movements in history, therefore, which do not spring from this deepest source are always partial and transient, and only those historical acts which arose from these lowest depths of man’s personal existence embrace the whole of life and possess the required permanence.

Portanto, a primeira reivindicação exige que um sistema de vida como esse encontre seu ponto de partida em uma interpretação especial de nossa relação com Deus. Isto não é secundário, mas imperativo. Se uma ação como essa está para colocar sua marca sobre toda nossa vida, ela deve partir daquele ponto em nossa consciência no qual nossa vida ainda não está dividida e encontra-se compreendida em sua unidade, - não nas vinhas que se espalham, mas na raiz da qual as vinhas nascem. Certamente, esse ponto encontra-se na antítese entre tudo que é finito em nossa vida humana e o infinito que encontra-se além dela. Somente aqui encontramos a fonte comum da qual os diferentes cursos de nossa vida humana nascem e separam-se. Pessoalmente, é nossa repetida experiência que nas profundezas de nossos corações, no ponto onde nos mostramos a nós mesmos ao Único Eterno, todos os raios de nossa vida convergem como em um foco, e somente ali recobramos esta harmonia que nós tão freqüente e penosamente perdemos no stress do dever diário. Na oração encontramos não somente nossa unidade com Deus, mas também a unidade de nossa vida pessoal. Os movimentos na História, portanto, que não nascem dessa fonte mais profunda são sempre parciais e temporários, e apenas aqueles atos históricos que originaram-se dessas profundezas mais baixas da existência pessoal do homem abraçam toda a vida e possuem a permanência requerida.

Такая система жизни непременно должна, опираясь на свой исходный принцип, особо осмыслить наше отношение к Богу. Если подобная система формирует всю нашу жизнь, она должна начинаться там, где бытие еще не подвержено разделениям и присутствует в своем единстве — не в ветвях винограда, но в корне, из которого те произрастают. Этот исток заключен в противоположности между всем конечным в нашей человеческой жизни и бесконечным, которое за ее пределами. Только здесь мы обнаруживаем тот единый источник, из которого проистекают все наши действия и стремления. Мы убеждаемся вновь и вновь, что в той глубине наших сердец, где мы открываемся Предвечному, жизнь наша сходится воедино и обретает гармонию, которую мы столь часто и мучительно теряем в суете повседневности. Молитва дает нам не только единение с Богом, но и единство нашей жизни. Поэтому те движения в истории, которые не исходят из этого глубочайшего источника, поверхностны и преходящи; лишь исторические деяния, порожденные в самых глубинах человеческого существования, охватывают всю жизнь и обладают постоянством.

Dit was het geval bij het Paganisme, dat in zijn algemeensten vorm hieraan gekend wordt, dat het God in het creatuur gist, vermoedt en afbeeld. Dit geldt van het laagst staand Animisme zoowel als van het hoogst staand Buddhisme. Tot de zelfstandigheid van een God buiten en boven het creatuur klimt het Paganisme niet op. Edoch ook in dien gebrekkigen vorm heeft het als uitgangspunt een bepaalde opvatting van de verhouding waarin het oneindige tot het eindige staat, en dááraan dankte het zijn vormende kracht voor de menschelijke samenleving. Alleen omdat het dit diepe uitgangspunt had, kon het een eigen vorm voor heel het menschelijk leven voortbrengen. — Niet anders stond het met het Islamisme, daaraan herkenbaar dat het puur anti-paganistisch alle contact tusschen het creatuur en God afsnijdt. Mahommed en Khorân zijn hier de historische namen, maar in zijn wezen is de Halve Maan niets dan de absolute antithese van het Paganisme. De Islam isoleert God van het creatuur, om alle vermenging met het creatuur af te snijden. Als antipode had de Islam alzoo even verre strekking en was ook zijnerzijds in staat een geheel eigenaardige wereld van menschelijk leven te doen ontstaan. — Evenzoo stond het met het Romanisme. Ook hier is de pauselijke tiaar, de hiërarchie, de Mis en zooveel meer niets anders dan uitwerking van ééne grondgedachte, en die grondgedachte is: dat God met het creatuur in gemeenschap treedt door middel van een mystieken tusschenschakel, en die tusschenschakel is de Kerk, niet als mystiek organisme gedacht, maar als zichtbaar, tastbaar, waarneembaar instituut. De Kerk staat hier tusschen God en de wereld in, en voor zooverre de Kerk het menschelijk leven in zich kon opnemen en het beademen kon, schiep deswege ook het Romanisme een eigen vorm voor de menschelijke samenleving. — En naast en tegenover deze drie plaatst zich nu het Calvinisme met even diepe grondgedachte. Het zoekt God niet in het creatuur, gelijk het Paganisme, het isoleert God niet van de creatuur, gelijk het Islamisme, het stelt tusschen God en het creatuur geen middellijke gemeenschap gelijk Rome, maar proclameert de hooge gedachte, dat God, hoog in 13 majesteit boven alle creatuur staande, nochtans met dat creatuur onmiddellijke gemeenschap oefent door zijnen Heiligen Geest. Dit is dan ook het hart en de kern van de Calvinistische belijdenis der praedestinatie. Gemeenschap met God, maar tot in de eeuwigheid d.i. tot in zijn raadsbesluit doorgetrokken. Geen genade dan rechtstreeks uit God ons toekomende. Op alle oogenblikken des levens, heel onze geestelijke existentie door God zelven gedragen. Elk kind Gods met Hem in rechtstreeksche gemeenschap tredend en in heel zijn existentie Hem dienend. Het Soli Deo Gloria was resultaat, geen uitgangspunt, en de praedestinatie werd onverbiddelijk vastgehouden, niet om scheiding tussschen mensch en mensch te maken, veel min om eigen trots te streelen, maar om ons van eeuwigheid toteeuwigheid een rechtstreeksche, een onmiddellijke gemeenschap met den levenden God te waarborgen. Het verzet tegen Rome gold voor den Calvinist dan ook steeds het uit den weg ruimen van een Kerk, die zich tusschen God en de ziel stelde. De kerk was niet in het ambt, noch in een zelfstandig instituut te zoeken, de kerk, dat waren de geloovigen zelven, zooals ze door hun geloof in contact stonden met den Almachtige. En zoo vindt ge dan ook hier bij het Calvinisme, evenals bij het Paganisme, bij den Islam en bij het Romanisme, een eigen, bepaalde opvatting van de grondverhouding waarin de mensch tot God staat, en blijkt het alzoo te voldoen aan de eerste voorwaarde die gesteld wordt aan elk levenssysteem, dat een eigen vorm voor het menschelijk leven zal scheppen.

This was the case with Paganism, which in its most general form is known by the fact, that it surmises, assumes and worships God in the creature. This applies to lowest Animism, as well as to highest Buddhism. Paganism does not rise to the conception of the independent existence of a God beyond and above the creature. But even in this imperfect form it has for its starting-point a definite interpretation of the relation of the infinite to the finite, and to this it owed its power to produce a finished form for human society. Simply because it possessed this significant startingpoint was it able to produce a form of its own for the 14 whole of human life. It is the same with Islamism. which is characterized by its purely anti-paganistic ideal cutting off all contact between the creature and God. Mohammed and the Koran are the historic names, but in its nature the Crescent is only the absolute antithesis to Paganism. Islam isolates God from the creature, in order to avoid all commingling with the creature. As antipode Islam was possessed of an equally far-reaching tendenc\', and was also able to originate an entirely peculiar world of human life. The same is the case with Romanism. Here also the papal tiara, the hierarchy, the mass, etc., are but the outcome of one fundamental thought: viz., that God enters into fellowship with the creature by means of a mystic middle-link which is the Church ; not taken as a mystic organism, but as a visible, palpable and tangible institute. Here the Church stands between God and the world, and so far as it was able to adopt the world and to inspire it, Romanism also created a form of its own for human society. And now by the side of and over against these three, Calvinism takes its stand with a fundamental thought which is equally profound. It does not seek God in the creature, as Paganism ; it does not isolate God from the creature, as Islamism ; it posits no mediate communion between God and the creature, as does Romanism ; but proclaims the exalted thought that although standing in high majesty above the creature God enters into immediate fellowship with the creature by means of his Holy Spirit. This is even the heart and kernel of the Calvinistic confession of predestination. There is communion with God. but only in entire accord with his counsel of peace from all eternity. Thus there is no grace, but such as comes to us immediately from God. At every moment of our existence our entire spiritual life rests in God Himself. The Deo Soli Gloria was not the starting-point but the result, and predestination was inexorably maintained not for the sake of separating man from man, nor in the interest of 15 personal pride, but in order to guarantee from eternity to eternity a direct and immediate communion with the Living God. The opposition against Rome aimed therefore with the Calvinist first of all at the dismissal of a church, which placed itself between the soul and God. The church consisted not in an office, nor in an independent institute, the believers themselves were the Church, in as much as by faith they stood in touch with the Almighty. Thus as in Paganism, Islamism and Romanism, so also in Calvinism is found that proper, definite interpretation of the fundamental relation of man to God, required as the first condition of a real life-system, that shall be able to create a form of its own for our human life.

This was the case with Paganism, which in its most general form is known by the fact that it surmises, assumes and worships God in the creature. This applies to the lowest Animism, as well as to the highest Buddhism. Paganism does not rise to the conception of the independent existence of a God beyond and above the creature. But even in this imperfect form it has for its starting-point a definite interpretation of the relation of the infinite to the finite, and to this it owed its power to produce a finished form for human society. Simply because it possessed this significant starting-point was it able to produce a form of its own for the whole of human life. – It is the same with Islamism, which is characterized by its purely anti-pagan ideal, cutting 18 off all contact between the creature and God. Mohammed and the Korân are the historic names, but in its nature the Crescent is the only absolute antithesis to Paganism. Islâm isolates God from the creature, in order to avoid all commingling with the creature. As antipode, Islâm was possessed of an equally far-reaching tendency, and was also able to originate an entirely peculiar world of human life. – The same is the case with Romanism. Here also the papal tiara, the hierarchy, the mass, etc., are but the outcome of one fundamental thought: viz., that God enters into fellowship with the creature by means of a mystic middle-link, which is the Church; – not taken as a mystic organism, but as a visible, palpable and tangible institution. Here the Church stands between God and the world, and so far as it was able to adopt the world and to inspire it, Romanism also created a form of its own for human society. – And now, by the side of and opposite to these three, Calvinism takes its stand with a fundamental thought which is equally profound. It does not seek God in the creature, as Paganism; it does not isolate God from the creature, as Islamism; it posits no mediate communion between God and the creature. as does Romanism; but proclaims the exalted thought that, although standing in high majesty above the creature, God enters into immediate fellowship with the creature, as God the Holy Spirit. This is even the heart and kernel of the Calvinistic confession of predestination. There is communion with God, but only in entire accord with his counsel of peace from all eternity. Thus there is no grace but such as comes to us immediately from God. 19 At every moment of our existence, our entire spiritual life rests in God Himself. The “Deo Soli Gloria” was not the starting-point but the result, and predestination was inexorably maintained, not for the sake of separating man from man, nor in the interest of personal pride, but in order to guarantee from eternity to eternity, to our inner self, a direct and immediate communion with the Living God. The opposition against Rome aimed therefore with the Calvinist first of all at the dismissal of a Church which placed itself between the soul and God. The Church consisted not in an office, nor in an independent institute, the believers themselves were the Church, inasmuch as by faith they stood in touch with the Almighty. Thus, as in Paganism, Islamism and Romanism, so also in Calvinism is found that proper, definite interpretation of the fundamental relation of man to God, which is required as the first condition of a real life-system.


Esse foi o caso com o Paganismo, que em sua forma mais geral é conhecido pelo fato que supõe, assume e adora a Deus na criatura. Isto aplica-se ao mais baixo Animismo, bem como ao mais alto Budismo. O Paganismo não eleva para a concepção da existência independente de Deus, além e acima da criatura. Mas, mesmo nessa forma imperfeita, ele tem como seu ponto de partida uma interpretação precisa da relação do infinito com o finito, e a isso ele deve seu poder de produzir uma forma acabada para a sociedade humana. Simplesmente porque ele possuía esse ponto de partida significativo, foi capaz de produzir uma forma para toda a vida humana própria dele.

É o mesmo com o Islamismo, que é caracterizado por seu ideal puramente antipagão, interrompendo todo contato entre a criatura e Deus. Maomé e o Alcorão são os nomes históricos, mas em sua natureza o Crescente (quarto-crescente) é a única antítese absoluta ao Paganismo. O Islamismo isola Deus da criatura, a fim de evitar toda mistura com a criatura. Como antípoda,22 o Islamismo era possuído de uma tendência igualmente extensa, e foi também capaz de gerar um mundo inteiramente peculiar de vida humana.

O mesmo ocorre com o Romanismo. Aqui também a tiara papal23, a hierarquia, a missa, etc., são apenas o resultado de um pensamento fundamental: a saber, que Deus entra em comunhão com a criatura por intermédio de um meio de ligação místico, que é a Igreja; - não tomada como organismo místico, mas como instituição visível, palpável e tangível. Aqui a Igreja se posiciona entre Deus e o mundo, e até onde foi capaz de adotar o mundo e inspirá-lo, o Romanismo criou sua própria forma para a sociedade humana.

Paralelamente e em contraposição a estes três, o Calvinismo toma sua posição com um pensamento fundamental que é igualmente profundo. Ele não procura Deus na criação, como o Paganismo; não isola Deus da criatura, como o Islamismo; não postula comunhão intermediária entre Deus e a criatura, como faz o Romanismo; mas proclama o pensamento glorioso que, embora permanecendo em alta majestade acima da criatura, Deus entra em comunhão imediata com a criatura, como Deus o Espírito Santo. Este é o próprio coração e âmago da confissão calvinista da predestinação. Há comunhão com Deus, mas somente em total acordo com seu conselho de paz desde toda eternidade. Assim, não há graça senão esta que vem a nós imediatamente de Deus. Em cada momento de nossa existência, toda nossa vida espiritual repousa no próprio Deus. O “Soli Deo Gloria”24 não era o ponto de partida - mas o resultado, e a predestinação foi inexoravelmente mantida, não por causa da separação do homem do homem, nem no interesse do orgulho pessoal, mas a fim de garantir de eternidade a eternidade, para o nosso eu interior, uma comunhão direta e imediata com o Deus Vivo. Portanto, a oposição contra Roma pretendia com o Calvinismo, antes de mais nada, a rejeição de uma Igreja que colocou a si mesma entre a alma e Deus. A Igreja não consistia em um escritório, nem em um instituto independente, os próprios crentes eram a Igreja, porque pela fé permaneciam em contato com o Poderoso. Assim, como no Paganismo, no Islamismo e no Romanismo, assim também no Calvinismo é encontrada esta interpretação própria e precisa da relação fundamental do homem com Deus, que é requerida como a primeira condição de um sistema de vida real.

Так было с язычеством, которое, если обобщить, признает и почитает Бога в творении. Относится это и к примитивному анимизму, и к утонченному буддизму. Язычество не может принять Бога, не зависимого от творения и пребывающего над ним. Но даже в этой несовершенной форме уже есть определенное отношение между конечным и бесконечным; потому язычество и порождает устойчивые формы человеческого общества. У язычества был этот исходный пункт, оно могло создавать собственные формы жизни. То же самое можно сказать об исламе, который лучше всего определить как антиязычество, как разрыв всякой связи между творением и Богом. И Мухаммад, и Коран исторически реальны, но по сути своей исламский полумесяц — единственная абсолютная антитеза язычеству. Ислам отделяет Бога от тварного мира, не допуская и малейшего их смешения. Как и его противоположность, ислам охватил все и вся и смог породить совершенно особый мир человеческой жизни. Точно так же обстоит дело с католицизмом. Папская тиара, церковная иерархия, месса и т. д. — лишь внешние проявления основного принципа: Бог вступает в контакт с творением через мистическое связующее звено — Церковь — которую понимают при этом не как мистический, но как видимый, ощутимый, осязаемый институт. Церковь стоит между Богом и миром, и в той степени, в какой католицизм сумел преобразить и вдохновить мир, он также создал собственную форму общества.

Кальвинизм обладает принципом не меньшей глубины и силы, ставящим его в один ряд с упомянутыми выше системами, но противопоставляющим его им. Он не ищет Бога в творении, как язычество, не изолирует Бога от творения, как ислам, не устанавливает посредника между Богом и творением, как католики, но провозглашает возвышенную мысль: Бог, в Своем безмерном величии бесконечно возвышаясь над творением, все же входит в непосредственную связь с ним как Бог — Святой Дух. В этом суть и кальвинистского учения о предопределении. Общение с Богом существует, но только в полном соответствии с Его предвечными установлениями. Поэтому нет иной благодати, кроме той, которая исходит непосредственно от Бога. В любую минуту наша духовная жизнь покоится в самом Боге. Слова «Deo Soli Gloria» («Только Богу слава») — не начальный принцип, а следствие. Учение о предопределении отстаивалось столь упорно не потому, что оно проводит разделение между людьми, не ради собственной гордыни, а лишь для того, чтобы подтвердить прямое и непосредственное общение с живым Богом, исходящее из самой вечности. В противоположность Риму, кальвинизм прежде всего отрицал роль Церкви как посредника между душой человека и Богом. Церковь — не организация и не какой-то независимый институт, а собрание верующих в той мере, в какой они через веру непосредственно связаны со Всемогущим Богом. Таким образом, подобно язычеству, католицизму, исламу, кальвинизм по-своему понимает отношение человека к Богу — первое условие реальной системы жизни.

Intusschen voorzie ik hier tweeërlei tegenwerping. Men zal mij vragen, of ik hier niet voor het Calvinisme eene eere neem, die aan het Protestantisme in ’t gemeen toekomt. En ten andere, of het Modernisme van onzen tijd niet een even alzijdigen levensvorm schept, niet ontleend aan de religie, maar veeleer buitenalle grijpbare religie om. Vergunt mij op beide tegenwerpingen te antwoorden.

Vooreerst dan. Misken ik de algemeene beteekenis van het Protestantisme, zoo ik voor het Calvinisme de eere opeisch van de rechtstreeksche gemeenschap met God hersteld te hebben? Mij dunkt neen. Immers op Protestantsch erf, nu in historischen zin genomen, staat naast het Calvinisme alleen het Lutheranisme. En nu begeer ik voor niemand onder te doen in prijs en lof voor Luthers 14 heldenmoedig initiatief. In zijn hart veel meer dan in het hart van Calvijn is de bange strijd doorworsteld, die tot de wereld-historische breuke leide. Luther is zonder Calvijn te verklaren, Calvijn zonder Luther niet. Voor een niet gering deel is Calvijn ingegaan tot den oogst, van wat de held van Wittenberg in en buiten Duitschland gezaaid had. Maar als men vraagt, wie het reformatorisch beginsel het scherpst gevat, het volledigst uitgewerkt en het breedst toegepast heeft, dan wijst de historie u op den denker van Genève en niet op den gemoedsheld van Wittenberg. Zeker ook Luther wilde rechtstreeksche gemeenschap met God, maar hij vatte deze gemeenschap op van hare subjectieve, anthropologische zijde, niet objectief-theologisch gelijk Calvijn. Zijn uitgangspunt was het speciaal-soteriologisch beginsel van het rechtvaardigmakend geloof; Calvijns uitgangspunt lag in het generaal kosmologisch beginsel van de souvereiniteit Gods. En als gevolg hiervan schoof Luther nogmaals de ecclesia representativa, de ecclesia docens tusschen God en de geloovigen in, terwijl Calvijn het eerst de Kerk in de geloovigen zelven zocht. Zooveel doenlijk leunde Luther diensvolgens nog op Roomsche Sacramentsbeschouwing en Roomschen Cultus, terwijl Calvijn het eerst in beide de lijn doortrok die rechtstreeks van God op den mensch en van den mensch op God ging. En wat nog sterker spreekt, in alle Luthersche landen is de Reformatie meer van de Vorsten dan van het volk uitgegaan, is daardoor onder de macht van de Overheid gekomen, die als „summus episcopus” ambtelijk in de Kerk optrad, en heeft dientengevolge noch het sociale noch het staatkundige leven, overeenkomstig haar levensbeginsel, omgezet. Het Lutheranisme is kerkelijk en theologisch gebleven, alleen het Calvinisme heeft in en buiten de kerk zijn stempel op alle uiting van het menschelijk leven gedrukt. Van het Lutheranisme spreekt dan ook niemand als van de schepping van een eigen levensvorm, zelfs de naam komt nauwelijks voor; terwijl de kenners der historie steeds meer eenparig het Calvinisme als schepper van een eigen wereld van menschelijk leven huldigen. En waar nu om die reden het Lutheranisme hier niet in aanmerking komt, valt nog veel minder met het algemeene begrip van Protestantisme te vorderen, dat immers een louter negatief begrip uitdrukt, en thans het meest 15 geliefd is in kringen die met al den positieven inhoud der reformatorische belijdenis hebben gebroken.

Meanwhile I anticipate two objections. In the first place it may be asked: whether I do not claim honors for Calvinism which belong to Protestantism in general. To this I reply in the negative. When I claim the honor for Calvinism of having reestablished the direct fellowship with God, I do not undervalue the general significance of Protestantism. In the Protestant domain, taken in the historic sense, Lutheranism alone stands b} r the side of Calvinism. Now I wish to be second to none in my praises of Luther's heroic initiative. In his heart, rather than in the heart of Calvin, was the bitter conflict fought which led to the world historic breach. Luther can be interpreted without Calvin, but not Calvin without Luther. To a great extent Calvin entered upon the harvest of what the hero of Wittenberg had sown in and outside Germany. But when the question is put who had the clearest insight into the reformatory principle, worked it out most fully, and applied it most broadly, history points to the Reformer of Geneva and not to the hero of Wittenberg. Luther as well as Calvin contended for a direct fellowship with God, but he took it up from its subjective, anthropological side, and not from its objective, theological side as Calvin did. Luther's starting point was the special-soteriological principle of a justifying 16 faith : while Calvin's extending far wider, lay in the general cosmological principle of the sovereignty of God. As a natural result of this Luther also restored the Church as the representative and authoritative '•teacher" between God and the believer, while Calvin was the first to seek the Church in the believers themselves. As far as he was able Luther still leaned upon the Romish view of the sacraments, and upon the Romish cultus, while Calvin was the first in both to draw the line which extended immediately from God to man and from man to God. Moreover in all Lutheran countries the Reformation originated from the princes rather than from the people, and thereby passed under the power of the magistrate, who took his stand in the Church officially as her "summus episcopus", and therefore was unable to change either the social or the political life in accordance with its principle. Lutheranism restricted itself to an exclusively ecclesiastical and theological character, while Calvinism put its impress in and outside the church upon every department of human life. Hence Lutheranism is nowhere spoken of as the creator of a peculiar life-form; even the name of " Lutheranism" is now rarely mentioned; while the students of history with increasing unanimity recognize Calvinism as the creator of a world of human life entirely its own. And if for this reason " Lutheranism " is of no account to us here, the general conception of "Protestantism" as such is of still less significance, because this indicates merely a negative idea, and is now valued most highly in those deviating circles in which the breach with our reformatory confession has become a final one.

Meanwhile I anticipate two objections. In the first place, it may be asked whether I do not claim honors for Calvinism which belong to Protestantism in general. To this I reply in the negative. When I claim for Calvinism the honor of having re-established the direct fellowship with God, I do not undervalue the general significance of Protestantism. In the Protestant domain, taken in the historic sense, Lutheranism alone stands by the side of Calvinism. Now I wish to be second to none in my praises of Luther’s heroic initiative. In his heart, rather than in the heart of Calvin, was the bitter 20 conflict fought which led to the world historic breach. Luther can be interpreted without Calvin, but not Calvin without Luther. To a great extent Calvin entered upon the harvest of what the hero of Wittenberg had sown in and outside Germany. But when the question is put, Who had the clearest insight into the reformatory principle, worked it out most fully, and applied it most broadly, history points to the Thinker of Geneva and not to the Hero of Wittenberg. Luther as well as Calvin contended for a direct fellowship with God, but Luther took it up from its subjective, anthropological side, and not from its objective, cosmological side as Calvin did. Luther’s starting-point was the special-soteriological principle of a justifying faith; while Calvin’s extending far wider, lay in the general cosmological principle of the sovereignty of God. As a natural result of this, Luther also continued to consider the Church as the representative and authoritative “teacher”, standing between God and the believer, while Calvin was the first to seek the Church in the believers themselves. As far as he was able, Luther still leaned upon the Romish view of the sacraments, and upon the Romish cultus, while Calvin was the first in both to draw the line which extended immediately from God to man and from man to God. Moreover, in all Lutheran countries the Reformation originated from the princes rather than from the people, and thereby passed under the power of the magistrate, who took his stand in the Church officially as her highest Bishop, and therefore was unable to change either the social or the political life in accordance with its principle. Lutheranism restricted itself to an 21 exclusively ecclesiastical and theological character, while Calvinism put its impress in and outside the Church upon every department of human life. Hence Lutheranism is nowhere spoken of as the creator of a peculiar life-form; even the name of “Lutheranism” is hardly ever mentioned; while the students of history with increasing unanimity recognize Calvinism as the creator of a world of human life entirely its own.

Entretanto, antecipo duas objeções. Em primeiro lugar, pode ser perguntado se eu não reivindico para o Calvinismo a honra que pertence ao Protestantismo em geral. A isto respondo com uma negativa. Quando reivindico para o Calvinismo a honra de ter restabelecido a comunhão direta com Deus, não desprezo o significado geral do Protestantismo. No domínio Protestante, tomado no sentido histórico, apenas o Luteranismo mantém-se ao lado do Calvinismo. Não quero ficar devendo nada a ninguém em meus elogios à iniciativa heróica de Lutero. Em seu coração, tanto mais que no de Calvino, foi combatido o amargo conflito que levou à ruptura mundial histórica. Lutero pode ser interpretado sem Calvino, mas Calvino não pode sem Lutero. Em grande parte Calvino inicia a colheita do que o herói de Wittenberg tinha semeado na Alemanha e fora dela. Mas quando a questão proposta é - quem tinha o discernimento mais claro do princípio reformador, trabalhado mais plenamente, e o aplicou mais amplamente, a História aponta para o Pensador de Genebra e não para o Herói de Wittenberg. Lutero, bem como Calvino, lutou pela comunhão direta com Deus, mas Lutero a tomou por seu lado subjetivo, antropológico, e não por seu lado objetivo, cosmológico como fez Calvino. O ponto de partida de Lutero foi o princípio soteriológico-especial de uma justificação pela fé; enquanto que o de Calvino, estendendo para mais longe, o coloca no princípio cosmológico geral da soberania de Deus. Como conseqüência natural disso, Lutero também continuou a considerar a Igreja como o “mestre” representante e autoritário, continuando entre Deus e o crente, enquanto Calvino foi o primeiro a procurar a Igreja nos próprios crentes. Até onde foi capaz, Lutero ainda apoiou-se sobre o conceito romanista dos sacramentos da liturgia, enquanto Calvino foi o primeiro, em ambos, a traçar uma ligação que estendeu-se imediatamente de Deus ao homem e do homem a Deus. Além disso, em todos os países Luteranos, a Reforma teve sua origem nos príncipes e não no povo , e assim passou sob o poder do magistrado, que tomou oficialmente sua posição na Igreja como seu mais alto Bispo, e portanto foi incapaz de mudar quer a vida social, quer a vida política de acordo com seu princípio. O Luteranismo restringiu-se a um caráter exclusivamente eclesiástico e teológico, enquanto que o Calvinismo coloca sua marca na Igreja e fora dela, sobre cada departamento da vida humana. Por isso, em lugar algum o Luteranismo é citado como o criador de uma forma peculiar de vida; até mesmo o nome de “Luteranismo” quase nunca é mencionado; enquanto que os estudantes de História com crescente unanimidade reconhecem o Calvinismo como o criador de uma cosmovisão inteiramente própria.

Между тем я предвижу два возражения. Во-первых, меня спросят, не приписываю ли я кальвинизму заслуги всего протестантизма. Нет, не приписываю. Когда я утверждаю, что кальвинизм восстановил прямые отношения человека с Богом, я не умаляю значение протестантизма.

В историческом протестантизме рядом с кальвинизмом стоит лишь лютеранство. Что касается Лютера, я первый похвалю его героическую инициативу. Именно в его сердце, а не в сердце Кальвина, протекала та мучительная борьба, которая привела к прорыву поистине всемирно-исторического значения. Лютера можно понять без Кальвина, но не Кальвина без Лютера. Мы вправе сказать, что Кальвин пожинал плоды, посеянные виттенбергским героем в Германии и за ее пределами. Но если спросить, кто четче всего осознал суть Реформации, глубже всего разработал ее принципы, полнее всего применил их к жизни, история укажет на Мыслителя из Женевы, а не на героя из Виттенберга. Лютер, как и Кальвин, отстаивал непосредственную связь человека с Богом; однако Лютер рассматривал эту связь с субъективной, антропологической стороны, а Кальвин — с объективной, космологической. Отправной точкой у Лютера был отличительный сотериологический принцип оправдания верой. Исходный принцип Кальвина гораздо шире и выражается он в общем космологическом принципе верховенства Бога. Поэтому Лютер продолжал считать Церковь полномочной и авторитетной наставницей, стоящей между Богом и верующим, а Кальвин, первым из всех, стал искать Церковь в самих верующих. Лютер стремился, насколько мог, сохранить и католическое учение о таинствах, и католическое богослужение; а Кальвин, первым и в том, и в другом случае указал на непосредственное отношение Бога с человеком и человека — с Богом. Более того, во всех лютеранских странах Реформацию начинал не народ, а правители. Ее насаждала и контролировала светская власть. Светские правители официально стали верховными главами Церкви, и потому Реформация не могла привести в соответствие со своими принципами общественно-политическую жизнь. Лютеранство ограничилось теологией и экклезиологией, тогда как кальвинизм наложил свой отпечаток не только на Церковь, но и на все сферы человеческой жизни. Поэтому никто не говорит о лютеранстве как об особой форме жизни. Сам термин «лютеранство» вообще упоминается довольно редко, но все, изучающие историю, с возрастающим единодушием признают особую роль кальвинизма, создающего свой мир человеческой жизни.

Ik kom tot de tweede tegenwerping: Gaat het wel op, dat elke algemeene ontwikkelingsvorm van het leven zijn uitgangspunt moet vinden in de opvatting van onze verhouding tot God, waar toch de Fransche Revolutie, waaruit het Modernisme opkwam, juist omgekeerd met alle religie brak? In de vraag ligt het antwoord. Door het Ni Dieu ni maître elk rekenen met den levenden God buiten uw beschouwing en uw practijk te sluiten, is wel degelijk een eigen opvatting van uw verhouding tot God op den voorgrond schuiven. Een regeering, die haar gezant terugroept en alle relatie met een andere mogendheid afbreekt, bepaalt daardoor wel terdege haar verhouding tot de regeering van dat land, een gespannen verhouding, die veelal op oorlog uitloopt. En zoo was het ook hier. De macht der Fransche Revolutie, geen andere verhouding tot God dan door het intermediair der Roomsche Kerk kennend, brak omdat ze de Kerk niet wilde, alleverhouding ook met God af, en kwam juist ten gevolge daarvan met alle godsdienstige belijdenis op voet van oorlog. Ook hier lag derhalve wel wezenlijk een grondopvatting in zake de verhouding van God tot het creatuur. Een doodverklaring van God, zoo al niet voor het gemoed, dan toch voor staat en maatschappij en wetenschap. En nu is het wel waar, dat het Modernisme, toen het uit Fransche in Duitsche handen overging, bij deze bloote negatie niet kon staan blijven, maar de uitkomst toont dan toch, hoe het van dat oogenblik af Pantheïsme of Agnosticisme werd, en onder beide vormen de uitsluiting van God uit het practisch en denkend leven volhield. In onzen gedachtengang toch komt het vóór alles aan, op de uitwerking die onze relatie tot God op onze menschelijke levensuitingen heeft, en juist die wordt zoowel door het Pantheïsme als door het Agnosticisme tot niets herleid. Al wat onder de heerschappij dezer beide geestesrichtingen onder menschen gedacht wordt en tot stand komt, wordt uitsluitend verklaard uit den menschelijken factor. Het komt boven het strakke Humanisme niet uit.

The second question which may be put by way of objection is: If it is true that every general development-form of life must find its starting-point in a peculiar interpretation of our relation to God,— how then do you explain the fact, that Modernism has led to such a general conception, although it sprang from the French Revolution 17 which broke with all religion on principle. The question answers itself. By excluding all reckoning with the Living God from your conceptions and practice, such as is implied in the cry: "no God no master", you certainly bring to the front an interpretation of your own for our relation to God. A government that recalls its ambassador and breaks every relation with another power, declares thereby that its relation to the government of that country is a strained relation, which generally ends in war. This is the case here. The leaders of the French Revolution, not being acquainted with any relation to God except that which existed through the mediation of the Komish Church annihilated all relation to God, because they wished to annihilate the power of the Church; and as a result of this they declared war against every religious confession. But this of course very really implied a fundamental and special interpretation of our relation to God. It was the declaration that henceforth God was to be considered as dead, if not yet to the heart, at least to the state, to society and to science. To be sure in passing from French into German hands, Modernism could not rest content with such a bare negation, but the result shows how from that moment it clothed itself in either pantheism or agnosticism, and under each disguise it maintained the expulsion of God from practical and theoretical life. The effect worked upon our life by our relation to God is of the highest importance to our processes of thought, and both by Pantheism and Agnosticism this precious element is reduced to nothing. All that is conceived and established by man under the inspiration of these two philosophical tendencies rests exclusively on the human factor, and is unable to rise above the low level of Humanism.

The second objection we have to meet is this: If it is true that every general development form of life must find its starting point in a peculiar interpretation of our relation to God, – how then do you explain the fact that Modernism also has led to such a general conception, notwithstanding it sprang from the French Revolution, which on principle broke with all religion. The question answers itself. If you exclude from your couceptions all reckoning with the Living God just as is implied in the cry, “no God no master”, you certainly bring to the front a sharply defined interpretation of your own for our relation to God. A government, as you yourselves experienced of late in the case of Spun, that recalls its ambassador and breaks every regular intercourse with another power, declares thereby that its relation to the government of that country is a strained relation which generally ends in war. This is the case here. The leaders of the French Revolution, not being acquainted with any relation to God except that which existed through the mediation of the Romish Church, annihilated all relation to God, because they wished to annihilate the power of the Church; and as a result of this they declared war against every religious 22 confession. But this of course very really implied a fundamental and special interpretation of our relation to God. It was the declaration that henceforth God was to be considered as a hostile power yea even as dead, if not yet to the heart, at least to the state, to society and to science. To be sure, in passing from French into German hands, Modernism could not rest content with such a bare negation; but the result shows how from that moment it clothed itself in either pantheism or agnosticism, and under each disguise it maintained the expulsion of God from practical and theoretical life, and the enmity against the Triune God had its full course.

A segunda objeção que temos é esta: Se é verdade que toda forma de desenvolvimento geral da vida deve encontrar seu ponto de partida em uma interpretação peculiar de nossa relação com Deus, - como então vocês explicam o fato que o Modernismo também tem conduzido a uma concepção geral como esta, não obstante ter ele nascido da Revolução Francesa, que por princípio rompeu com toda religião.

A questão responde a si mesma. Se vocês excluem de sua concepção todo ajuste de contas com o Deus Vivo, do modo como está implícito no grito, “Nenhum Deus, nenhum senhor”, - vocês certamente trazem para frente uma interpretação claramente definida de nossa relação com Deus. Um governo, como vocês mesmos experimentaram ultimamente no caso da Espanha,25 que chama de volta seus embaixadores e interrompe todo intercurso regular com outro poder, declara com isso que sua relação para com o governo daquele país é uma relação forçada que geralmente termina em guerra. Este é o caso aqui. Os líderes da Revolução Francesa, não estando familiarizados com qualquer relação com Deus exceto aquela que existia através da mediação da Igreja romanista, aniquilaram toda relação com Deus, porque queriam aniquilar o poder da Igreja; e como conseqüência disto, declararam guerra contra todas as confissões religiosas. Mas isto, evidentemente, implicou de fato numa interpretação fundamental e especial de nossa relação com Deus. Era a declaração de que, doravante, Deus deveria ser considerado como um poder hostil, além disso, até mesmo como morto, se não ainda para o coração, ao menos para o Estado, para a sociedade e para a ciência.

Sem dúvida, ao passar das mãos francesas para as alemãs, o Modernismo não poderia ficar satisfeito com uma negação assim exposta; mas o resultado mostra como, a partir desse momento, ele se revestiu - quer do Panteísmo quer do Agnosticismo, e sob cada disfarce é mantida a exclusão de Deus da vida prática e teórica, e a inimizade contra o Deus Trino tem seu pleno desenvolvimento.

Кроме того, если верно, что всякая форма жизни должна исходить из особой интерпретации нашего отношения к Богу, то как объяснить, что модернизм тоже стал такой формой жизни, хотя он порожден революцией, решительно порвавшей со всякой религией? Ответ заключен в самом вопросе. Если вы, повторяя лозунг «Ни Бога, ни господ», изгоните из своего мировоззрения всякое почитание Живого Бога, то, безусловно, тем самым провозгласите свою собственную, очень четкую концепцию отношения к Богу. Как вы сами недавно могли убедиться на примере Испании, если какое-нибудь правительство отзовет из вашей страны посла и разорвет с вами отношения, это значит обычно, что оно хочет войны. Так и здесь — вожди Французской революции, не зная иных отношений с Богом, кроме тех, которые осуществляются при посредничестве католической церкви, разорвали с Ним всякие отношения, потому что хотели упразднить власть церкви. Они восстали против всякой веры, а это, конечно, совершенно особое толкование наших отношений с Богом. Бога признали врагом, которого надо изгнать, если не из сердца, то по крайней мере из государства, общества и науки. Конечно, перейдя из Франции в Германию, модернизм уже не был так нигилистичен, но постепенно он оброс идеями пантеизма или агностицизма, в каждом обличии, однако, изгоняя Бога из практической и теоретической жизни, то есть продолжая сражаться с Триединым Богом.

Zoo houd ik dus beslist vol, én dat de voorstelling van onze verhouding tot God de grondopvatting is, die elken algemeenen 16 ontwikkelingsvorm van het menschelijk leven beheerscht, én dat voor ons die voorstelling gegeven is in het Calvinisme, dank zij zijn grondopvatting van een rechtstreeksche gemeenschap, die God met den mensch en de mensch met God heeft. Ik voeg er thans aan toe, dat het Calvinisme die grondopvatting niet heeft verzonnen of uitgedacht, maar dat God zelf ze in het gemoed, in het hart onzer geloofshelden uit die dagen gelegd heeft. We staan hier niet voor een product van een schrander intellectualisme, maar voor de vrucht van een werk Gods in het hart, zoo ge wilt voor een inspiratie in de historie. Op dit punt dient scherp gelet. Het Calvinisme heeft nooit zijn wierook voor het genie ontstoken, het heeft geen standbeeld voor zijn helden opgericht, ternauwernood noemt men hun namen. Te Genève is een steen in den muur al wat aan Calvijns nagedachtenis herinnert. Zelfs zijn graf is vergeten. Was dit ondankbaarheid? In het minst niet, maar al waardeerde men Calvijn, toch leefde men in de 16e en 17e eeuw in het besef, dat Eén meerder dan Calvijn, dat God zelf, hier had gewrocht. Bij geen enkele algemeene beweging in het leven vindt ge dan ook minder afspraak, minder conventie, minder een uitstralen uit één punt. Gelijktijdig ziet ge het Calvinisme in alle landen van West-Europa onder de natiën opstaan, en het treedt bij die volken te voorschijn niet doordat de universiteit er zich voorspant, of de geleerden het volk leiden, of een magistraat zich aan de spitse stelt, maar het komt uit den boezem van het volk zelf; bij wevers en landbouwers, bij werklieden en dienstboden, bij vrouwen en jongedochters, en bij allen toont het een zelfde kenmerk: Verzekerdheid des geloofs, zonder tusschenkomst der Kerk, ja, tegen de Kerk in. Het menschelijk hart is met zijn God tot eeuwigen vrede gekomen, voelt zich door die gemeenschap met zijn God gesterkt, beluistert er een hooge heilige roeping in, richt op de eere Gods elke levensuiting en elke kracht, en als de man of vrouw, die dat leven met God deelachtig werd, gedwongen wordt om het geloof prijs te geven, dat kunnen ze niet, dan moeten ze hun God vasthouden, en bestijgen ze bij duizenden en tienduizenden den brandstapel, niet klagend, maar juichend, met een loflied in het hart en met een psalm op de lippen. Dit nu 17 had niet Calvijn maar God door zijnen Heiligen Geest gedaan, in Calvijn gelijk in hen. Calvijn stond niet boven hen, maar als een broeder naast hen, mét hen door zijn God gezegend. En zoo nu is het Calvinisme tot zijn grondopvatting van een rechtstreeksche gemeenschap met God gekomen, niet omdat Calvijn die heeft uitgedacht, maar omdat God zelf aan onze vaderen in die rechtstreeksche gemeenschap een schat schonk, waarvan eerst Calvijn zich klaarder bewust werd. Dit is het hooge feit des Heiligen Geestes in de historie, waardoor het Calvinisme geheiligd is, en wat ons zijn wondere aandrift verklaart.

Thus I maintain that the conception of our relation to God is the fundamental interpretation which dominates every general development-form of human life, and that for us this conception is given in Calvinism, thanks to its 18 fundamental interpretation of an immediate fellowship of God with man and man with God. To this I add that Calvinism has neither invented nor conceived this fundamental interpretation, but that God himself implanted it in the hearts of its heroes and its heralds. We face here no product of a clever intellectualism, but the fruit of a work of God in the heart, or, if you like, an inspiration of history. This point should be emphasized. Calvinism has never burned its incense upon the altar of genius, it has erected no monument for its heroes, it scarcely calls them by name. One stone only in a wall at Geneva remains to remind one of Calvin. His very grave has been forgotten. Was this ingratitude? By no means. But if Calvin was appreciated, already in the 16 th and 17" 1 centuries the impression was vivid that it was One greaterthan Calvin, even God Himself, who had wrought here His work. Hence no general movement in life is so devoid of deliberate compact and conventionality of radiation as this. Simultaneously Calvinism had its rise in all the countries of Western Europe, and it appeared, among those nations not because the university was in its van, or because scholars led the people, or because a magistrate placed himself at their head, but it sprang from the hearts of the people themselves: with weavers and farmers, with tradesmen and servants, with women and young maidens ; and in every instance it exhibited the same characteristic: viz., strong Assurance of faith not only without the intervention of the Church, but even in opposition to the Church. The human heart had attained unto eternal peace with its God; strengthened by this Divine fellowship, it discovered its high and holy calling, to consecrate every department of life and every energy at its disposal to the glory of God; and therefore when those men or women, who had become partakers of this Divine life, were forced to abandon their taith, it proved impossible, they could not deny their Lord and thousands and tens of thousands burned at the stake, 19 not complaining but exulting, with thanksgiving in their hearts and psalms upon their lips. Calvin was not the author of this, but God Who through his Hoi}' Spirit had wrought in Calvin that which He had wrought in them. Calvin stood not above them, but as a brother by their side, a sharer with them of God's blessing. In this way Calvinism came to its fundamental interpretation of an immediate fellowship with God, not because Calvin invented it, but because in this immediate fellowship God Himself had granted to our fathers a privilege, of which Calvin was the first to become clearly conscious. This is the great work of the Holy Spirit in history, by which Calvinism has been consecrated, and which interprets to us its wondrous energ}-.

Thus I maintain that it is the interpretation of our relation to God which dominates every general life system, and that for us this conception is given in Calvinism, thanks to its fundamental interpretation of an immediate fellowship of God with man and of man with God. To this I add that Calvinism has neither invented nor conceived this fundamental interpretation, but that God Himself implanted it in the hearts of its heroes and its heralds. We face here no product of a clever intellectualism, but the fruit of a work of God in the heart, or, if you like, an inspiration of history. This point should be emphasized! Calvinism has never burned its incense upon the altar of genius, it has erected no monument for its heroes, it scarcely calls them by name. One stone only in a wall at Geneva remains to remind one of Calvin. His very grave has been forgotten. Was this ingratitude? By no means. But if Calvin was appreciated, even in the 16th and 17th 23centuries the impression was vivid that it was One greater than Calvin. even God Himself, who had wrought here His work. Hence, no general movement in life is so devoid of deliberate compact, none so unconventional in which it spread as this. Simultaneously, Calvinism had its rise in all the countries of Western Europe, and it did not appear, among those nations, because the University was in its van, or because scholars led the people, or because a magistrate placed himself at their head; but it sprang from the hearts of the people themselves, with weavers and farmers, with tradesmen and servants, with women and young maidens; and in every instance it exhibited the same characteristic: viz., strong Assurance of eternal Salvation, not only without the intervention of the Church, but even in opposition to the Church. The human heart had attained unto eternal peace with its God: strengthened by this Divine fellowship, it discovered its high and holy calling to consecrate every department of life and every energy at its disposal to the glory of God: and therefore, when those men or women, who had become partakers of this Divine life, were forced to abandon their faith, it proved impossible, that they could deny their Lord; and thousands and tens of thousands burned at the stake, not complaining but exulting, with thanksgiving in their hearts and psalms upon their lips. Calvin was not the author of this, but God who through His Holy Spirit had wrought in Calvin that which He had wrought in them. Calvin stood not above them, but as a brother by their side, a sharer with them of God’s blessing. In this way, Calvinism came to its fundamental interpretation of an 24 immediate fellowship with God, not because Calvin invented it, but because in this immediate fellowship God Himself had granted to our fathers a privilege of which Calvin was only the first to become clearly conscious. This is the great work of the Holy Spirit in history, by which Calvinism has been consecrated, and which interprets to us its wondrous energy.

Assim, eu sustento que é a interpretação de nossa relação com Deus que domina todo sistema de vida em geral, e que para nós esta concepção é dada pelo Calvinismo, graças à sua interpretação fundamental de uma comunhão imediata de Deus com o homem e do homem com Deus. A isto, adiciono que o Calvinismo não inventou nem imaginou esta interpretação fundamental, mas que o próprio Deus a implantou no coração de seus heróis e de seus arautos. Nós não encaramos aqui o produto de um intelectualismo engenhoso, mas o fruto de uma obra de Deus no coração, ou, se vocês preferem, uma inspiração da História.

Este ponto deveria ser enfatizado! O Calvinismo nunca queimou seu incenso sobre o altar de gênios, não tem erguido monumento a seus heróis, ele raramente os chama pelo nome. Sobrevive apenas uma pedra num muro de Genebra para fazer alguém se lembrar de Calvino. Sua própria sepultura tem sido esquecida. É isto ingratidão? De modo algum. Mas se Calvino era apreciado, mesmo nos séculos 16 e 17, a impressão vívida era que Alguém maior do que Calvino, o próprio Deus, tinha feito sua obra aqui.

Portanto, nenhum movimento geral na vida é tão destituído de uma aliança deliberada, nenhum não tão convencional naquilo que semeia, como este. O Calvinismo teve sua ascensão simultaneamente em todos os países da Europa Ocidental, e não apareceu entre essas nações porque a Universidade estava em sua vanguarda, ou porque eruditos conduziram o povo, ou porque um magistrado colocou-se à sua frente; mas nasceu do coração do próprio povo, com tecelões e fazendeiros, com negociantes e servos, com mulheres e jovens donzelas; e em cada caso exibiu a mesma característica: a saber, forte segurança da salvação eterna, não somente sem a intervenção da Igreja, mas até mesmo em oposição a ela. O coração humano tinha obtido paz eterna com seu Deus: fortaleceu-se por esta comunhão divina, descobriu sua alta e santa chamada para consagrar cada departamento da vida e toda energia à sua disposição para a glória de Deus: e por isso, quando homens e mulheres, que tinham se tornado participantes dessa vida divina, eram forçados a abandonar sua fé, provou-se impossível que pudessem negar seu Senhor; e milhares e dezenas de milhares foram queimados na estaca, não lamentando, mas exultando com ação de graças em seus corações e salmos em seus lábios.

Calvino não foi o autor disto, mas Deus, que através de seu Santo Espírito fez em Calvino o mesmo que ele tinha feito neles. Calvino não ficou acima deles, mas ao seu lado como um irmão, um participante com eles das bênçãos de Deus. Deste modo, o Calvinismo chegou à sua interpretação fundamental de uma comunhão imediata com Deus, não porque Calvino o inventou, mas porque através desta comunhão imediata o próprio Deus tinha concedido aos nossos pais um privilégio, do qual Calvino foi apenas o primeiro a tornar-se claramente consciente. Esta é a grande obra do Espírito Santo na História, pela qual o Calvinismo tem sido consagrado, e que interpreta para nós sua magnífica energia.

Итак, я утверждаю, что важнейший принцип любого мировоззрения — это наше понимание нашего отношения к Богу. Для нас такое понимание дано в кальвинизме, который правильно толкует непосредственные отношения Бога и человека и человека и Бога. Добавим, что кальвинизм отнюдь не открыл это толкование и не достиг его самостоятельно; Сам Бог вселил его в сердца Своих верных воинов и посланников. Толкование это породил не какой-то мощный разум, а Бог, действующий в сердце, или, если угодно, в истории. Это мы отметим особо. Кальвинизм никогда не воскурял фимиам гениям, не ставил памятников героям, он вообще редко упоминает чьи-либо имена. Лишь один камень в стене Женевы напоминает о Кальвине. Забыли даже, где он похоронен. Что это, неблагодарность? Ничуть. Кальвина глубоко почитали в XVI и XVII веках, но все же ясно видели, что во всех его делах действует Некто гораздо больший, Сам Бог. Поэтому никакое крупное движение не лишено настолько привычных устоявшихся форм, и ни одно не распространялось так быстро и необычно, как кальвинизм. Кальвинизм возник во всех странах Западной Европы практически одновременно, не потому, что ему прокладывали дорогу университеты, не потому, что ученые одобрили его, и не потому, что светские власти встали во главе движения, но потому, что оно зародилось в сердцах ткачей и крестьян, торговцев и слуг, женщин и девушек. Всегда и везде им была присуща одна и та же особенность — они твердо верили в вечное спасение не только без посредничества Церкви, но даже вопреки ей. Человеческое сердце обрело вечный мир с Богом. Окрепнув благодаря общению с Богом, оно обнаружило свое наивысшее призвание в том, чтобы посвятить всю жизнь и все силы прославлению Бога. Тех, кто стал причастным Божественной жизни, пытались отвратить от веры, но это оказалось невозможным, они не могли отвергнуть своего Господа. Десятки тысяч были сожжены на кострах, не жалуясь, но радуясь, с благодарением Богу в сердце и псалмами на устах. Совершил все это не Кальвин, а Бог, начертавший через Святого Духа в сердце Кальвина то же самое, что в сердцах этих людей. Кальвин стоит не над ними, а рядом с ними, как их брат и как причастник того же Божественного благословения. Словом, кальвинизм пришел к своему основному принципу непосредственного общения с Богом не потому, что Кальвин придумал этот принцип, а потому, что в этом самом непосредственном общении Бог даровал нашим отцам все те блага, которые впервые наиболее ясно осознал именно Кальвин. Великое действие Святого Духа в истории освятило кальвинизм и объясняет нам его удивительную энергию.

Zie, er zijn tijden in de historie, dat de pols van het religieuse leven flauw klopt; er zijn andere tijden dat de golfslag van het religieuse leven hoog gaat, en dit laatste was het geval in de 16e eeuw, met name bij de West-Europeesche volkeren. Als de Middeleeuwen ten einde loopen, beheerscht de geloofsquaestie alle actie in het leven der natiën. De nieuwe historie gaat van het geloof uit, gelijk de jongste, de moderne historie van den ongeloofskreet der Fransche Revolutie. Naar wat wet dit op- en neergaan van het religieuse leven zich regelt, is ons verborgen, maar kennelijk is het, dat er zulk een wet bestaat, en dat in tijden van hoog religieusen stand, de inwerking van den Heiligen Geest op het hart een veel geweldigere is. De apostel teekent ons die geweldige inwerking, als hij spreekt van een macht Gods, die levend en krachtig is en scherpsnijdender dan een tweesnijdend zwaard, doorgaande tot de verdeeling der ziel en des geestes, en der saamvoegselen en des mergs en een oordeelaar is der gedachten en der overleggingen des harten. En diezelfde machtige inwerking Gods hadden onze Calvinisten, onze Puriteinen, onze Pilgrimfathers ervaren. Niet in heel de massa even overweldigend, dat is bij niet ééne beweging aldus, maar wel ervoeren die aangrijping zij die destijds het centrum des levens vormden, die de dragers dier sterk gaande beweging waren; en het zijn deze mannen en vrouwen uit alle standen en volken geweest, die van God zelf de rechtstreeksche gemeenschap met de majesteit van zijn Eeuwig Wezen ontvingen. Dank zij die daad Gods in de harten, is toen dat staan met heel zijn leven voor 18 Gods aangezicht de grondgedachte van het Calvinisme geworden. Het liet door dat aangrijpend denkbeeld, of liever nog door dat machtige feit heel zijn optreden op elk gebied beheerschen. En het is uit die moedergedachte, dat geheel de rijke levensbeschouwing van het Calvinisme voortkwam.


There are times in history when the pulse of religious life beats faintly; and there are times when its beat is bounding, and the latter was the case in the 16 th century among the nations of Western Europe. At the close of the middle ages the question of faith dominated every activity in public life. New history starts out from this faith, even as the history of our times starts from the unbelief of the French Revolution. What law this pulse-like movement of religious life obeys, we cannot tell, but it is evident that there is such a law, and that in times of high religious tension the inworking of the Holy Spirit upon the heart is irresistible. The apostle refers to it when he speaks of a divine force which is quick and powerful and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart. And this mighty inworking of God was the experience of our Calvinists, Puritans and Pilgrim Fathers. It was not in all individuals to the same degree, for this never happens in any great movement, but they who formed the centre of life in those times, who were the promoters of that mighty change, they experienced this 20 higher power to the fullest : and they were the men and women of every class of society and nationality who by God Himself were admitted into communion with the majesty of His eternal Being. Thanks to this work of God in the heart the persuasion that the whole of a mans life is to be lived as in the Divine Presence has become the fundamental thought of Calvinism. By this decisive idea, or rather by this mighty fact, it has allowed itself to be controlled in every department of its entire domain. It is from this mother-thought that the all-embracing life-view of Calvinism sprang.

There are times in history when the pulse of religious life beats faintly; but there are times when its beat is pounding, and the latter was the case in the 16th century among the nations of Western Europe. The question of faith at that time dominated every activity in public life. New history starts out from this faith, even as the history of our times starts from the unbelief of the French Revolution. What law this pulse-like movement of religious life obeys, we cannot tell, but it is evident that there is such a law, and that in times of high religious tension the inworking of the Holy Spirit upon the heart is irresistible; and this mighty inworking of God was the experience of our Calvinists, Puritans and Pilgrim Fathers. It was not in all individuals to the same degree, for this never happens in any great movement; but they who formed the centre of life in those times, who were the promoters of that mighty change, they experienced this higher power to the fullest: and they were the men and women of every class of society and nationality who by God Himself were admitted into communion with the majesty of His eternal Being. Thanks to this work of God in the heart, the persuasion that the whole of a man’s life is to be lived as in the Divine Presence has become the fundamental thought 25 of Calvinism. By this decisive idea, or rather by this mighty fact, it has allowed itself to be controlled in every department of its entire domain. It is from this mother-thought that the all embracing life system of Calvinism sprang.


Há ocasiões na História quando o pulso da vida religiosa bate timidamente, mas há ocasiões quando a sua batida é forte - este foi o caso no século 16 entre as nações da Europa Ocidental. A questão da fé, naquele tempo, dominava toda atividade na vida pública. A nova história começa desta fé, do mesmo modo que a história de nossos dias começa da incredulidade da Revolução Francesa. Qual lei este movimento de ritmo vibrante de vida religiosa obedece, não podemos dizer, mas é evidente que há tal lei, e que em tempos de alta tensão religiosa a ação interior do Espírito Santo sobre o coração é irresistível; e esta poderosa ação interior de Deus foi a experiência de nossos pais calvinistas, Puritanos e Peregrinos. Não ocorreu em todos os indivíduos no mesmo grau, pois em qualquer grande movimento isto nunca acontece; mas aqueles que formavam o centro da vida naqueles tempos, que eram os promotores daquela poderosa mudança, experimentaram a plenitude desse poder superior; e esses homens e mulheres de todas as classes da sociedade e de nacionalidade foram admitidos pelo próprio Deus à comunhão com a majestade de seu ser eterno. Graças a esta obra de Deus no coração, a convicção de que o todo da vida do homem deve ser vivido como na presença divina tem se tornado o pensamento fundamental do Calvinismo. Por esta idéia decisiva, ou melhor por este fato poderoso, ele tem se permitido ser controlado em cada departamento de seu domínio inteiro. É a partir deste pensamento-matriz que nasce o sistema de vida abrangente do Calvinismo.

Бывают времена в истории, когда религиозная жизнь ослабевает; бывают и такие, когда ее пульс трудно не ощутить. Таким был для народов Западной Европы XVI век. Вопрос веры главенствовал тогда во всех сферах общественной жизни. Новая история начинается с этой веры, подобно тому, как новейшая история начинается с неверия Французской революции. Какому закону подчиняются эти пульсации религиозной жизни, мы сказать не можем, но такой закон есть, это очевидно, и во времена религиозного подъема внутреннее действие Святого Духа в сердцах неодолимо. Мощнейшее действие Бога в своих сердцах обнаружили кальвинисты, пуритане и отцы-пилигримы. Оно не было одинаковым у всех, так никогда не бывает в больших массовых движениях; но те, кто стоял в центре событий и активно участвовал в преобразованиях, особенно испытали на себе действие высшей силы. Сам Бог допустил к общению со Своей вечной сущностью людей разных сословий и разных национальностей. Благодаря Его действию в сердцах основным принципом кальвинизма стало и то, что жизнь надо прожить в непосредственном присутствии Бога. Благодаря этой решающей идее или, точнее, убедительному факту, душа человека позволяет Богу руководить собою во всем. Именно из этой мысли и вытекает всеобъемлющая жизненная система кальвинизма.

Dit brengt mij vanzelf tot de tweede voorwaarde, waaraan elke diepgaande beweging, om een eigen vorm voor het menschelijk leven te scheppen, beantwoorden moet, deze namelijk, dat ze evenzoo een eigen grondopvatting moet hebben voor de verhouding van mensch tot mensch. Hoe we voor God staan is de eerste, hoe we tegenover den mensch staan de tweede hoofdvraag, die over de richting en inrichting van ons leven beslist; de derde waarop ik straks kom, is hoe we staan tegenover de wereld. Er is onder menschen geen eenvormigheid, maar veelvormigheid. In de schepping zelve is het verschil tusschen vrouw en man gesteld. De physieke en spiritueele gaven en talenten doen nog steeds den eenen mensch van den anderen verschillen. Het verleden der geslachten en in ons eigen persoonlijk leven maakt onderscheid. Ook verschilt de sociale positie van wie rijk is of arm. Die verschillen nu kunnen óf verzacht óf verscherpt worden door onze levensopvatting, en zoowel het Paganisme als het Islamisme, zoowel het Romanisme als het Modernisme, en zoo ook het Calvinisme, kozen hierin krachtens hun primordiaal beginsel partij. Is volgens het Paganisme God in het creatuur, dan ligt in het hooge wat zich onder de menschen vertoont, Goddelijke meerderheid, dan krijgt ge de half-goden, de aanbidding der heroën, en eindelijk het offer voor den Divus Augustus geplengd. Doch dan is ook het lagere, het ongoddelijke, en komt in Indië en Egypte de kasten-indeeling op, en overal elders de slavernij. De eene mensch wordt onder den anderen mensch gesteld. Onder den Islam, die zich zijn paradijs met hoeri’s droomt, maar de wellust zich van de heerschappij meester, en wordt de vrouw de slavin van den man, gelijk de Kafir de onderworpeling wordt van den Moslêm. Het Romanisme, op Christelijken wortel stoelend, komt 19 deze absolute onderscheiding te boven, en maakt ze relatief, maar om alle verhouding van mensch tot mensch hiërarchisch op te vatten. Een hiërarchie onder Gods engelen, een hiërarchie in Gods Kerk, een hiërarchie in het leven, en zoo een geheel aristocratische levensopvatting als belichaming van het ideaal. Eindelijk het Modernisme, dat alle verschil loochenend en wegcijferend, niet kan rusten eer het van de vrouw een man, van den man een vrouw heeft gemaakt, en, alle onderscheid nivelleerend, het leven doodt door het onder den ban der eenvormigheid te leggen. Voor allen één type, één gewaad, éénzelfde levenspositie en éénzelfde levensontwikkeling, en wat daar buiten en daar boven gaat, als kwetsend voor het gemeenschapsbesef afgewezen. En zoo nu ook heeft het Calvinisme uit zijn grondverhouding tegenover God een eigen grondopvatting voor de verhouding tusschen mensch en mensch afgeleid, en het is die eenig juiste verhouding, die we sinds de 16e eeuw steeds zagen veld winnen. Plaatst het Calvinisme heel ons menschelijk leven rechtstreeks voor God, dan volgt hieruit, dat allen, man of vrouw, arm of rijk, zwak of sterk, talentvol of arm aan talent, als Gods schepselen, en als verloren zondaren, niets, volstrekt niets tegenover elkander te pretendeeren hebben, dat we voor God, en dus ook onder elkander, als mensch en volk gelijk staan, en dat er geen ander onderscheid tusschen menschen mag bestaan, dan voorzoover God aan den één gezag over den ander verleend heeft, of ook aan den één meer gaven schonk opdat hij er de anderen, en in die anderen, zijn God meê zou dienen. Uit dien hoofde veroordeelt het Calvinisme niet alleen de slavernij en kasten-indeeling, maar even beslist alle bedekte slavernij van de vrouw of van de arme; is het gekant tegen alle hiërarchie onder menschen; en dult het geen andere aristocratie, dan zulk eene die persoonlijk, of als geslacht, een meerderheid in karakter of talent bij de gratie Gods kan toonen, en toont dit meerdere niet voor zich of voor eigen hoogheid te willen rooven, maar het voor God in zijn wereld te willen besteden. Daarom moest het Calvinisme consequent in de democratische opvatting van het leven zijn uitdrukking vinden; moest het de vrijheid der volken uitroepen; en kon het niet rusten eer van overheidswege en in het maatschappelijk leven, al wie mensch was, alleen omdat hij 20 mensch was, d.i. als schepsel naar den beelde Gods geschapen, zou worden geëerd, geteld en gerekend.

This brings us of itself to the second condition, with which, for the sake of creating a special form for human life every profound movement has to comply: viz., a fundamental interpretation of its own touching the relation of man to man. How we stand toward God is the first, and how we stand toward man is the second principal question, which decides the tendency and the construction of our life. There is no uniformity among men, but endless multiformity. In creation itself the difference has been established between woman and man. Physical and spiritual gifts and talents cause one person to differ from the other. Past generations and our own personal life create distinctions. The social position of the rich and poor also differs. These differences may be weakened or accentuated by our interpretation of life, and Paganism and Islamism, Romanism as well as Modernism, and so also Calvinism have all taken their stand in this question in accordance with their primordial principle, If as Paganism contends, God dwells in the creature, divine superiority is exhibited in whatever is high among men. In this way it got its demigods, hero-worship, and finally its sacrifices upon the altar of Divus Augustus. On the other hand whatever is lower and godless gives rise to the systems of caste 21 in India and in Eg} r pt, and to slavery everywhere else, thereby placing one man under a base subjection to his fellowman. Under Islamism, which dreams of its paradise of houries sensuality usurps public authority, and woman is the slave of man, even as the kafir is the slave of the Mosliin. Romanism, rooting in Christian soil, overcomes the absolute character of distinction, and renders it relative, but in order to interpret every relation of man to man hierarchically. There is a hierarchy among the angels of God, a hierarchy in God's Church, a hierarchy iu life, and so it has an entirely aristocratic interpretation of life as the embodiment of the ideal. Finally Modernism, which denies and abolishes every difference, cannot rest until it has made woman man and man woman, and, putting every distinction on a common level, kills life by placing it under the ban of uniformity. One type must answer for all, one uniform, one position and one and the same development of life ; and whatever goes beyond and above it, is looked upon as an insult to the common consciousness. In the same way Calvinism has derived from its fundamental relation to God a peculiar interpretation of man's relation to man, and it is this only true relation, which since the 16 th century has been gaining the day. If Calvinism places our entire human life immediately before God, then it follows that all men or women, rich or poor, weak or strong, dull or talented, as creatures of God, and as lost sinners, have no claim whatsoever to lord it one over an other, aud that we stand as equals before God, and consequently equal as man to man. Hence we cannot recognize any distinction among men, save such as has been imposed by God Himself, in that He gave one to have authority over the other, or enriched one with more talents than the other, in order that the man of more talents should serve the man with less, and in him serve his God. Hence Calvinism condemns not merely all open slavery and systems of caste, but also all 22 covert slavery of woman and of the poor; it is opposed to all hierarchy among men, it tolerates no aristocracy save such as is able, either in person or in family, by the grace of God, to exhibit superiority of character or talent, and to show that it does not claim this superiority for self-aggrandizement or ambitious pride, but for the sake of spending it in the service of God. Hence Calvinism was bound to find its utterance in the democratic interpretation of life ; to proclaim the liberty of nations ; and not to rest until both politically and socially every man, simply because he is man, should be recognized, respected and dealt with as a creature created after the Divine likeness.

This brings us of itself to the second condition, with which, for the sake of creating a life system every profound movement has to comply: viz., a fundamental interpretation of its own touching the relation of man to man. How we stand toward God is the first, and how we stand toward man is the second principal question which decides the tendency and the construction of our life. There is no uniformity among men, but endless multiformity. In creation itself the difference has been established between woman and man. Physical and spiritual gifts and talents cause one person to differ from the other. Past generations and our own personal life create distinctions. The social position of the rich and poor differs widely. Now, these differences are in a special way weakened or accentuated by every consistent life system, and Paganism and Islamism, Romanism as well as Modernism, and so also Calvinism have all taken their stand in this question in accordance with their primordial principle. If, as Paganism contends, God dwells in the creature, a divine superiority is exhibited in whatever is high among men. In this way it obtained its demigods, hero-worship, and finally its sacrifices upon the altar of Divus Augustus. On the other hand, whatever is lower is considered as godless, 26 and therefore gives rise to the systems of caste in India and in Egypt, and to slavery everywhere else, thereby placing one man under a base subjection to his fellowman. Under Islamism, which dreams of its paradise of houries, sensuality usurps public authority, and the woman is the slave of man, even as the kafir is the slave of the Moslim. Romanism, taking root in Christian soil, overcomes the absolute character of distinction, and renders it relative, in order to interpret every relation of man to man hierarchically. There is a hierarchy among the angels of God, a hierarchy in God’s Church, and so also a hierarchy among men, leading to an entirely aristocratic interpretation of life as the embodiment of the ideal. Finally Modernism, which denies and abolishes every difference, cannot rest until it has made woman man and man woman, and, putting every distinction on a common level, kills life by placing it under the ban of uniformity. One type must answer for all, one uniform, one position and one and the same development of life; and whatever goes beyond and above it, is looked upon as an insult to the common consciousness. In the same way Calvinism has derived from its fundamental relation to God a peculiar interpretation of man’s relation to man, and it is this only true relation which since the 16th century has ennobled social life. If Calvinism places our entire human life immediately before God, then it follows that all men or women, rich or poor, weak or strong, dull or talented, as creatures of God, and as lost sinners, have no claim whatsoever to lord over one another, and that we stand as equals before God, and consequently equal as man 27 to man. Hence we cannot recognize any distinction among men, save such as has been imposed by God Himself, in that He gave one authority over the other, or enriched one with more talents than the other, in order that the man of more talents should serve the man with less, and in him serve his God. Hence Calvinism condemns not merely all open slavery and systems of caste, but also all covert slavery of woman and of the poor; it is opposed to all hierarchy among men; it tolerates no aristocracy save such as is able, either in person or in family, by the grace of God, to exhibit superiority of character or talent, and to show that it does not claim this superiority for self-aggrandizement or ambitious pride, but for the sake of spending it in the service of God. So Calvinism was bound to find its utterance in the democratic interpretation of life; to proclaim the liberty of nations; and not to rest until both politically and socially every man, simply because he is man, should be recognized, respected and dealt with as a creature created after the Divine likeness.

Isto nos conduz à segunda condição, a qual, por causa da criação de um sistema de vida, cada movimento complexo tem de cumprir: a saber, uma interpretação fundamental própria no tocante a relação do homem com o homem. Como nos posicionamos para com Deus é a primeira, e como nos posicionamos para com o homem é a segunda questão principal que decide a tendência e a construção de nossa vida.

Não há uniformidade entre os homens, mas multiformidade sem fim. Na própria criação tem sido estabelecidas diferenças entre a mulher e o homem. Dons e talentos físicos e espirituais são a causa de uma pessoa diferir da outra. Gerações passadas e nossa própria vida pessoal criam distinções. A posição social do rico e do pobre diferem completamente. Estas diferenças são, de um modo especial, enfraquecidas ou acentuadas por cada sistema de vida consistente, e o Paganismo e o Islamismo, o Romanismo bem como o Modernismo e assim também o Calvinismo, têm tomado sua posição nesta questão de acordo com seu princípio primordial.

Se, como o Paganismo afirma, Deus habita na criatura, uma superioridade divina é exibida em tudo quanto é elevado entre os homens. Desse modo ele obteve seus semideuses, culto a heróis, e finalmente seus sacrifícios sobre o altar do Divino César Augusto. Por outro lado, tudo quanto é inferior é considerado como mau e, portanto, dá origem ao sistema de castas na Índia e no Egito, e à escravidão por toda a parte, colocando com isso um homem sob uma base de sujeição a seu próximo.

Sob o Islamismo, que sonha com seu paraíso de houries,26 a sensualidade usurpa a autoridade pública, e a mulher é a escrava do homem, o mesmo ocorre com o kafir27 que é o escravo dos muçulmanos. O Romanismo, tendo raiz em solo cristão, domina o caráter absoluto da distinção e o devolve relativo, a fim de interpretar toda relação do homem com o homem hierarquicamente. Há uma hierarquia entre os anjos de Deus, uma hierarquia na Igreja de Deus, e assim também uma hierarquia entre os homens, conduzindo a uma interpretação inteiramente aristocrática da vida como a encarnação do ideal.

Finalmente, o Modernismo, que nega e abole toda diferença, não pode descansar até ter produzido mulher-homem e homem-mulher, e, colocando toda distinção em um nível comum, destrói a vida por colocá-la sob a maldição da uniformidade. Um tipo deve responder por todos, uma uniformidade, uma posição e um mesmo desenvolvimento da vida; e tudo quanto vai além e acima disto é considerado como um insulto à consciência comum.

Do mesmo modo o Calvinismo tem derivado de sua relação fundamental com Deus uma interpretação peculiar da relação do homem com o homem, e esta é a única relação verdadeira que desde o século 16 tem dignificado a vida social. Se o Calvinismo coloca toda nossa vida humana imediatamente diante de Deus, então segue-se que todos os homens ou mulheres, rico ou pobre, fraco ou forte, obtuso ou talentoso, como criaturas de Deus e como pecadores perdidos, não têm de reivindicar qualquer domínio sobre o outro, e que permanecemos como iguais diante de Deus, e conseqüentemente iguais como seres humanos. Por isso, não podemos reconhecer qualquer distinção entre os homens, exceto a que tem sido imposta pelo próprio Deus, visto que ele deu a um autoridade sobre o outro, ou enriquece um com mais talentos do que o outro, para que o homem de mais talentos sirva o homem de menos, e nele sirva a seu Deus.

Por isso, o Calvinismo condena não simplesmente toda escravidão aberta ou sistema de castas, mas também toda escravidão dissimulada da mulher e do pobre; opõe-se a toda hierarquia entre os homens; não tolera a aristocracia, exceto a que é capaz, quer na pessoa ou na família, pela graça de Deus, de exibir superioridade de caráter ou talento, de mostrar que não reivindica esta superioridade para auto-engrandecimento ou orgulho ambicioso, mas para gastá-lo no serviço de Deus. Assim, o Calvinismo foi obrigado a encontrar sua expressão na interpretação democrática da vida; a proclamar a liberdade das nações; e a não descansar até que, tanto política como socialmente, cada homem, simplesmente porque é homem, seja reconhecido, respeitado e tratado como uma criatura criada à semelhança de Deus.

Это приводит нас ко второму условию, с которым, чтобы создать систему жизни, должно согласовываться любое значимое движение: это собственное базисное понимание отношения человека к человеку. Первый вопрос, определяющий нашу жизнь, — какими мы предстаем перед Богом, а второй — какими мы предстаем перед людьми. Люди не одинаковы, они бесконечно разнообразны. При творении установлено различие между женщиной и мужчиной. Физические и духовные дары тоже отличают одного человека от другого. В прошлых поколениях и в нашей собственной жизни люди отличаются друг от друга, скажем, богатый и бедный живут по-разному. Так вот, различия эти ослабляются или усиливаются в каждой последовательной системе жизни. Язычество и ислам, католицизм и модернизм, а также и кальвинизм занимают здесь свою позицию в соответствии с исходным принципом. Если, как верят язычники, Бог обитает в творении, то божественное величие выражено в том, что высоко среди людей. Таким путем язычество обретает своих полубогов, культ героев, и, наконец, свои жертвоприношения на алтаре Божественного Августа. Низкое, соответственно, лишено Бога. В Индии и Египте это приводит к кастовой системе, в других языческих странах — к рабству, отдавая одного человека в унизительное подчинение другому.

В исламе, который мечтает о рае с гуриями, чувственность влияет на общество, и женщина становится рабой мужчины, как неверный — рабом мусульманина. Католицизм, выросший на христианской почве, преодолевает абсолютность различий и делает их относительными, чтобы истолковать отношение между людьми в понятиях иерархии. Есть иерархия ангелов Божиих, иерархия в Церкви, а иерархия среди людей ведет к совершенно аристократическому толкованию жизни, воплощающей этот идеал. Наконец, модернизм отрицает и упраздняет всякие различия, он не может успокоиться, пока не сделает женщину мужчиной и мужчину женщиной, и, низведя все к общему уровню, не убьет жизнь однообразием. Все нужно привести к единому образцу, единой форме, одной позиции и одному и тому же развитию; а то, что выходит за эти формы или над ними возвышается, считается вызовом обществу.

Кальвинизм тоже вывел из своего отношения к Богу особое понимание отношения человека к человеку, и это единственно правильное отношение с XVI столетия облагораживает общественную жизнь. Если кальвинизм помещает всю нашу жизнь перед взором Божиим, отсюда следует, что все люди, богатые и бедные, слабые и сильные, обычные и одаренные, как творения Божии и как жалкие грешники, не имеют никакого права господствовать друг над другом. Мы равны перед Богом, а значит — и между собой. Тем самым не надо признавать никаких различий между людьми кроме тех, которые установлены Самим Богом, Который дал одному власть над другим, или одарил одного больше, чем другого, чтобы тот, у кого больше талантов, служил тому, у кого их меньше, и в его лице служил Богу. Поэтому кальвинизм осуждает не только явное рабство или систему каст, но и скрытое подчинение женщин или обездоленных. Он противостоит любой иерархии среди людей, не терпит никакой аристократии, кроме той, которая, по благодати Божией, являет превосходство нрава или талантов, в человеке или в семье, показывая, что она использует его не для самовозвышения или гордыни, но чтобы служить Богу. Так оказалось, что кальвинизм нашел выражение в демократии, провозгласил свободу народов и не успокаивается, пока любого человека, просто потому что он человек, созданный по образу Божию, не будут почитать и уважать.

Geen uitvloeisel van benijding sprak hierin. Het was niet de lager geplaatste die den hooger staande naar beneden trok, om zichzelven naar boven te duwen, maar een nederknielen van allen saam op de voetbank der voeten van den Heilige Israëls. Van daar dat het tot geen plotselinge breuke met het verleden kwam. Gelijk het Christendom bij zijn opkomst de slavernij niet wegbrak, maar ondermijnde door een zedelijk oordeel, zoo ook liet het Calvinisme aanvankelijk de hiërarchisch-aristocratische toestanden, die uit de Middeleeuwen waren overgeleverd, voortbestaan. Oranje was, omdat hij prins van vorstelijken huize was, niet gewantrouwd maar te hooger geëerd. Maar innerlijk heeft het Calvinisme de structuur der maatschappij omgebouwd, en niet door standsbenijding of door te azen op het bezit van den rijke, maar door ernstiger levensopvatting, deger arbeidzaamheid en hooger karakterontwikkeling heeft de burgerstand den adel en de werkman den gegoeden poorter tot jaloerschheid verwekt. Eerst op God, en eerst daarna op den naaste te zien, was de aandrift, de stemming, de geestelijke usantie, waaraan het Calvinisme ingang schonk, en het is uit dit vromelijk eeren van de vreeze Gods, en het saam voor God gaan staan, dat een heiliger democratische zin zich ontwikkelde, veld won, en ten slotte de overhand behield. Een resultaat, dat door niets zoozeer als door gemeenschap in het lijden bevorderd werd. Toen de graven van Egmond en Hoorne, hoezeer nog vasthoudend aan het Roomsche geloof, hetzelfde schavot hadden beklommen, waarop om edeler geloof de handwerksman en de man van het weefgetouw onthalsd was, werd in dien bitteren dood der standen zoen gesloten. Het is Alva, de aristocraat, die door zijn bloedig bedrijf, het welig opschieten van den democratischen geest bevorderd heeft. Mensch en mensch, voor wat het volstrekt menschelijke aanging, op voet van gelijkheid naast elkander te hebben geplaatst, is de altoos onvergankelijke eere, die aan het Calvinisme niet kan betwist worden. Maar hierin verschilde het van de gelijkheidsutopieën der Fransche Revolutie, dat het in Parijs was: alle saâm tegen God, hier allen saâm voor God neergeknield en brandende voor zijn eere.


This was no outcome of envy. It was not the man of lower estate who reduced his superior to his level in order to usurp the higher place, but it was a kneeling in concert of all men at the feet of the Holy One of Israel. This accounts for the fact that it made no sudden break with the past. Even as in its early stage Christianity did not abolish slavery, but undermined it by a moral judgment, so Calvinism allowed the provisional continuance of the conditions of hierarchy and aristocracy as traditions belonging to the Middle Ages. It was not laid up as a charge against him, that William of Orange was a prince of royal lineage; he was the more honored for it. But inwardly Calvinism has modified the structure of society not by the envying of classes, nor by an undue esteem for the possessions of the rich, but by a more serious interpretation of life. By better labor and a higher development of character the middle and working classes have provoked the nobility and the wealthier citizens to jealousy. First looking to God, and then to one's neighbor was the impulse, the mind and the spiritual custom to which Calvinism gave entrance. And from this holy fear of God and this united stand before the face of God a holier democratic idea has developed itself, and has evermore gained ground. This result has been brought about by nothing so much as by fellow- 23 ship in suffering. When, though loyal to the Romish faith, the dukes of Egmont and Home ascended the same scaffold on which, for the sake of a nobler faith, the working-man and the weaver had been executed, in that bitter death the reconciliation between the classes received its sanction* By his bloody persecutions, Alva the Aristocrat advanced the prosperous development of the spirit of Democracy. To have placed man on a footing of equality with man, so far as the purely human interests are concerned, is the immortal glory which incontestably belongs to Calvinism. The difference between it and the Utopian dream of equality of the French Revolution is : that while in Paris it was one action in concert against God, here all were on their knees before God, consumed with a common zeal for the glory of His Name.

This was no outcome of envy. It was not the man of lower estate who reduced his superior to his level in order to usurp the higher place, but it was all men kneeling in concert at the feet of the Holy One of Israel. This accounts for the fact that Calvinism made no sudden break with the past. Even as in its early stage Christianity did not abolish slavery, but undermined it by a moral judgment, so Calvinism allowed the provisional continuance of the conditions of hierarchy and aristocracy as traditions belonging to the Middle Ages. It was not charged against William of Orange, that 28 he was a prince of royal lineage; he was the more honored for it. But inwardly Calvinism has modified the structure of society, not by the envying of classes, nor by an undue esteem for the possessions of the rich, but by a more serious interpretation of life. By better labor and a higher development of character the middle and working classes have provoked the nobility and the wealthier citizens to jealousy. First looking to God, and then to one’s neighbor was the impulse, the mind and the spiritual custom to which Calvinism gave entrance. And from this holy fear of God and this united stand before the face of God a holier democratic idea has developed itself, and has continually gained ground. This result has been brought about by nothing so much as by fellowship in suffering. When, though loyal to the Romish faith, the dukes of Egmont and Hoorn ascended the same scaffold on which, for the sake of a nobler faith, the working-man and the weaver had been executed, the reconciliation between the classes received its sanction in that bitter death. By his bloody persecutions, Alva the Aristocrat advanced the prosperous development of the spirit of Democracy. To have placed man on a footing of equality with man, so far as the purely human interests are concerned, is the immortal glory which incontestably belongs to Calvinism. The difference between it and the wild dream of equality of the French Revolution is that while in Paris it was one action in concert against God, here all, rich and poor, were on their knees before God, consumed with a common zeal for the glory of His Name.29


Isto não resultou de inveja. Não era o homem de estado inferior que reduziu seu superior a seu nível, a fim de usurpar o lugar superior, mas sim todos os homens ajoelhando-se em aliança aos pés do Santo de Israel. Isto explica o fato de que o Calvinismo não fez uma súbita ruptura com o passado. Assim, como em seu estágio primitivo, o Cristianismo não aboliu a escravidão, mas o minou por um julgamento moral, desta forma o Calvinismo permitiu a continuação provisória das condições de hierarquia e aristocracia como tradições pertencentes à Idade Média. Não fez a acusação contra Guilherme de Orange de que ele era um príncipe de linhagem real; isto pelo contrário, o fez ser mais honrado. Mas, internamente, o Calvinismo tem modificado a estrutura da sociedade, não pela inveja de classes, nem por um apreço indevido pela possessão do rico, mas por uma interpretação mais séria da vida. Através de um melhor trabalho e um desenvolvimento superior do caráter das classes média e trabalhadora têm levado ao ciúmes a nobreza e os cidadãos mais ricos. Olhar primeiro para Deus, e então para a pessoa do próximo era o impulso, o pensamento e o costume espiritual ao qual o Calvinismo deu entrada. E deste santo temor de Deus e desta posição unida diante da sua face, uma idéia democrática mais santa tem se desenvolvido, e tem continuamente ganho terreno. Esta conclusão tem sido produzida, acima de tudo, pelo companheirismo no sofrimento. Quando, embora leal à fé romanista, os duques de Egmont e de Hoorn28 subiram o mesmo cadafalso sobre o qual, por causa de uma fé mais nobre, o trabalhador e o tecelão tinham sido executados, a reconciliação entre as classes recebeu sua sanção naquela morte amarga. Por sua perseguição sanguinária, Alva a Aristocrata, promoveu o desenvolvimento próspero do espírito de democracia. Ter colocado o homem em uma posição de igualdade com o homem, é a glória imortal que pertence incontestavelmente ao Calvinismo. A diferença entre ele e o sonho selvagem de igualdade da Revolução Francesa é que, enquanto em Paris foi uma ação de comum acordo contra Deus, aqui, todos, rico e pobre, estavam sobre seus joelhos diante de Deus, consumidos com um zelo comum pela glória de seu nome.

И это не было результатом зависти, и заключалось не в том, что человек низкого положения низвел высшего на свой уровень, но в том, что все люди склонились в согласии у ног Бога Израиля. Поэтому кальвинизм не рвал резко с прошлым. Как раннее христианство не упразднило рабства, но подорвало его посредством нравственного осуждения, так и кальвинизм временно сохранял иерархические и аристократические отношения, унаследованные от средних веков. Вильгельма Оранского не отвергали за его королевское происхождение; напротив, его еще больше почитали. Но внутренне кальвинизм изменил структуру общества — не посредством классовой зависти, и не посредством преклонения перед богатством, а через серьезное отношение к жизни. Добросовестнее трудясь и добродетельнее живя, средний и рабочий классы вызвали зависть у дворянства и богатых граждан. «Сначала взгляни на Бога, а потом — на ближнего», — вот импульс, вот духовная привычка, которой кальвинизм положил начало. От священного страха перед Богом и совместного стояния перед Ним произошла и постепенно завоевала признание священная идея демократии. Особенно много дала общность в страданиях. Когда верные Риму граф Эгмонт и граф Горн взошли на тот самый эшафот, на котором за более чистую веру казнили рабочего и ткача, их страдальческая смерть освятила примирение сословий. Аристократ Альба способствовал своими гонениями развитию демократии. Признав людей равными в чисто земных делах, кальвинизм обрел бессмертную славу. Различие между ним и дикой мечтой о равенстве Французской революции в том, что в Париже объединились против Бога, а богатые и бедные кальвинисты стояли перед Ним на коленях, прославляя вместе Его Имя.

21 De derde grondverhouding, die over de opvatting van het leven beslist is de verhouding waarin ge u tegenover de wereld plaatst. Er zijn toch, gelijk ik aangaf, drie hoofdmomenten, waarmede ge in aanraking komt: God, de mensch en de wereld. Na gezien te hebben, in wat betrekking het Calvinisme u tot God en tot den mensch plaatst, komt thans derhalve de derde en laatste grondverhouding aan de orde, uw positie tegenover de wereld om u heen. Ik laat het Paganisme en Islamisme hier rusten, overmits voor die beide levensvormen de antithese tusschen mensch en wereld een te algemeene en te uiteenloopende was, om zonder breeder bespreking in helder licht te kunnen geplaatst worden, en zelfs dan nog voor de toelichting van het Calvinisme doelloos zou zijn. In het algemeen kan gezegd dat het Paganisme de wereld overschat en deels haar ducht, deels er zich in verliest, en dat het Islamisme omgekeerd de wereld onderschat, met haar zijn spel drijft en over haar triomfeert door te grijpen naar de gephantaseerde wereld van een zinlijk paradijs. Maar voor ons doel leidt ons dit niet verder. Voor het Christelijk Europa toch en straks voor het Christelijk Amerika nam de antithese tusschen mensch en wereld, den engeren vorm aan van de tegenstelling tusschen die wereld en den Christenmensch. De overlevering der Middeleeuwen noodzaakte hiertoe. Onder Romes hiërarchie waren Kerk en wereld tegenover elkander komen te staan, als de erve die gewijd was, en de erve die nog onder den vloek lag. Wat buiten de Kerk bleef was in de macht der demonen, en het exorcisme bande die demonische macht uit al wat onder de hoede, den invloed, en de inspiratie der Kerk kwam. In een Christenland moest daarom heel het maatschappelijk leven onder de vleugelen der Kerk schuilen. De overheid moest gezalfd en confessioneel gebonden zijn, kunst en wetenschap onder kerkelijke bezieling en censuur gesteld, bedrijf en handel door den gildenband met de kerk verbonden zijn, en het huislijk leven onder kerkelijke voogdij komen van de wieg tot het graf. Eene reusachtige poging alzoo om heel de wereld voor Christus op te eischen, maar die noodwendig het hardste oordeel met zich bracht over alle levensrichting, die zich kettersch of demonisch aan den zegen der Kerk onttrok. Voor heks en ketter beiden de brandstapel, 22 want in beginsel stonden beiden gelijk. En die ontzielende theorie werd met ijzeren consequentie doorgezet, niet uit wreedheid noch uit lage heerschzucht, maar om de hooge gedachte eener gekerstende, d.i. door de Kerk overschaduwde wereld niet prijs te geven. Natuurlijk wreekte zich dit door de wereld in de Kerk te trekken, en in de tegenstelling tusschen het luidruchtig carneval en de mystieke verzinking in het lijden van Christus trad die tweespalt tusschen geestelijk bedoelen en onheiligen wereldzin tergend in het licht; maar tegenwicht hiertegen bood de wereldmijding van het monnikwezen en ten deele van den clerus, die in het centrum der Kerk het heilige te sterker spande, om aan den omtrek te meer het streven der wereld door de vingers te kunnen zien. Het resultaat was en bleef dan ook, dat de wereld in de Kerk de Kerk bedierf en dat de Kerk, door haar heerschappij over de wereld, aan de vrije ontwikkeling van haar leven in den weg stond.

The third fundamental relation which decides the interpretation of life is the relation which you bear to the world. As said before, there are three principle elements with which you come in touch : viz., God, man and the world. Having reviewed the relation in which Calvinism places you to God and to man, the third and last fundamental relation is in order: viz., your attitude toward the world. Of Paganism it can be said in general, that it places too high an estimate upon the world, and therefore to some extent it both stands in fear of, and loses itself in it. On the other hand Islamism places too low an estimate upon the world, makes game of it and triumphs over it in reaching after the visionary world of a sensual paradise. For the purpose in hand however we need say no more of either, since both for Christian Europe and America the antithesis between man and the world has assumed the narrower form of the antithesis between the world and the Christian. The traditions of the Middle Ages gave rise to this. Under the hierarchy of Rome the Church and 24 the World were placed over against each other, the one as being sanctified and the other as being still under the curse. Everything outside the Church was in the hands of demons, and exorcism banished this demoniacal power from everything that came under the protection, influence and inspiration of the Church. Hence in a Christian country the entire social life was to be covered by the wings of the Church. The magistrate had to be anointed and confessionally bound, art and science had to be placed under ecclesiastical animation and censure, trade and commerce had to be bound to the Church by the tie of guilds, and from the cradle to the grave family life was to be placed under ecclesiastical guardianship. This was a gigantic effort to claim the entire world for Christ, but one which of necessity brought with it the severest judgment upon every life-tendenc3 r which either as heretical or as demoniacal withdrew itself from the blessing of the Church. Hence the stake was lit alike for witch and heretic, for in principle they lay under the same bam And this deadening theory was carried out with iron logic, not from cruelty, nor from any low ambition, but from the lofty purpose of saving the christianized world, i.e., the world as overshadowed by the Church. This of course avenged itself in the introduction of the world into the Church, and in the antithesis between the noisy carnival and the mystical absorption in the sufferings of Christ, the discord between spiritual aspirations and worldly sensualism came out in the most irritating wa}^. Escape from the world was the counterpoise in monastic and partly even in clerical orders, which emphasized holiness in the centrum of the Church in order to wink the more lightly at worldly excesses without. As a natural result the world corrupted the Church, and by its dominion over the world the Church proved an obstacle in the way of the world's free development of its life.

The third fundamental relation which decides the interpretation of life is the relation which you bear to the world. As previously stated, there are three principal elements with which you come into touch: viz., God, man and the world. The relation to God and to man into which Calvinism places you being thus reviewed, the third and last fundamental relation is in order: viz., your attitude toward the world. Of Paganism it can be said in general, that it places too high an estimate upon the world, and therefore to some extent it both stands in fear of, and loses itself in it. On the other hand Islamism places too low an estimate upon the world, makes sport of it and triumphs over it in reaching after the visionary world of a sensual paradise. For the purpose in view however we need say no more of either, since both for Christian Europe and America the antithesis between man and the world has assumed the narrower form of the antithesis between the world and the Christian circles. The traditions of the Middle Ages gave rise to this. Under the hierarchy of Rome the Church and the World were placed over against each other, the one as being sanctified and the other as being still under the curse. Everything outside the Church was under the influence of demons, and exorcism banished this demoniacal power from everything that came under the protection, influence and inspiration of the Church. Hence in a Christian country the entire social life was to be covered by the wings of the Church. The magistrate had to be anointed and confessionally bound; art and science had to be placed under ecclesiastical encouragement and censure; trade and commerce 30 had to be bound to the Church by the tie of guilds; and from the cradle to the grave, family life was to be placed under ecclesiastical guardianship. This was a gigantic effort to claim the entire world for Christ, but one which of necessity brought with it the severest judgment upon every life-tendency which either as heretical or as demoniacal withdrew itself from the blessing of the Church. Hence the stake was fit alike for witch and heretic, for in principle both lay under the same ban. And this deadening theory was carried out with iron logic, not from cruelty, nor from any low ambition, but from the lofty purpose of saving the christianized world, i.e., the world as overshadowed by the Church. Escape from the world was the counterpoise in monastic and partly even in clerical orders, which emphasized holiness in the centre of the Church in order to wink the more lightly at worldly excesses without. As a natural result the world corrupted the Church, and by its dominion over the world the Church proved an obstacle to every free development of its life.

A terceira relação fundamental que decide a interpretação da vida é a relação que vocês mantêm com o mundo. Como declarado previamente, há três elementos principais com os quais vocês obtém contato: a saber, Deus, homem e o mundo. A relação com Deus e com o homem na qual o Calvinismo coloca vocês foi assim revista, a terceira e última relação fundamental é esta: a saber, sua atitude para com o mundo.

Do Paganismo pode geralmente ser dito, que ele coloca uma estimativa muito alta do mundo e, por isso, em alguma extensão, ele tanto permanece com medo dele, como perde-se nele. Por outro lado, o Islamismo coloca uma estimativa muito baixa do mundo, zomba dele e triunfa sobre ele ao alcançar o mundo visionário de um paraíso sensual. Para o propósito em vista, contudo, não precisamos dizer qualquer coisa a mais deles, visto que tanto para o cristão da Europa como da América a antítese entre o homem e o mundo tem assumido a forma mais estreita da antítese entre o mundo e os círculos cristãos. As tradições da Idade Média deram origem a isto. Sob a hierarquia de Roma, a Igreja e o Mundo foram colocados em oposição um ao outro, o primeiro como sendo santificado e o outro como estando ainda sob a maldição. Tudo fora da Igreja estava sob a influência de demônios, e o exorcismo expulsava este poder demoníaco de tudo que estivesse sob a proteção, influência e inspiração da Igreja.

Portanto, em um país cristão toda a vida social deveria estar coberta pelas asas da Igreja. O magistrado tinha de ser ungido e confessionalmente sujeitado; a arte e a ciência tinham de ser colocadas sob o estímulo e a censura eclesiástica; os negócios e o comércio tinham de estar sujeitos à Igreja pelo rigor das guildas;29 eclesiástica. Isto representou um gigantesco esforço para reivindicar o mundo todo para Cristo, mas algo que necessariamente trouxe consigo o mais severo julgamento sobre cada tendência de vida que, quer como herética, quer como demoníaca, se retirava da bênção da Igreja. Por isso, a estaca era igualmente apropriada para o bruxo e para o herege, pois, a princípio, ambos estavam sob a mesma maldição. E esta teoria enfraquecedora foi posta em prática com lógica férrea, não por crueldade, nem por alguma ambição inferior, mas por um propósito elevado de salvar o mundo cristianizado, isto é, o mundo sob as asas da Igreja. Fugir do mundo era o contrapeso nas ordens monásticas e em parte até mesmo nas ordens clericais, que enfatizavam santidade no centro da Igreja, a fim de fechar os olhos mais facilmente para os excessos mundanos fora do centro. Como resultado natural, o mundo corrompeu a Igreja, e por seu domínio sobre o mundo, a Igreja proveu um obstáculo a todo desenvolvimento livre de sua vida.

Третье из основных отношений, определяющих понимание жизни, — то, как мы относимся к миру. Повторим, мы соприкасаемся с Богом, с человеком и с миром. Рассмотрев отношение к Богу и к человеку, которое утверждает кальвинизм, поговорим и об отношении к миру. Язычество, в общем, слишком высоко ценит мир, а потому в определенной мере и боится его, и растворяется в нем. Ислам ценит мир слишком низко, борется с ним и бежит от него в поисках чувственного рая. Имея в виду, однако, нашу цель, ограничимся сказанным о них. В христианских Европе и Америке противостояние между миром и человеком приняло более узкие рамки противопоставления христиан и мира. Это было порождено традициями средних веков. Под властью римской иерархии Церковь и мир противопоставлялись друг другу, полагая, что Церковь священна, а мир пребывает под проклятием. Все, что вне Церкви, находилось под властью бесов, и экзорцисты изгоняли демоническую силу из всего, что находилось под защитой и влиянием Церкви. Поэтому в христианской стране всю социальную жизнь накрывали крылья Церкви. Правитель был помазан на служение и связан исповеданием веры; торговля и коммерция были привязаны к Церкви узами гильдий, и от колыбели до могилы семейная жизнь находилась под ее надзором. То было гигантской попыткой показать, что все принадлежит Христу, но это неизбежно несло с собой самое суровое осуждение всякой жизненной тенденции, которая не стремилась получить благословение Церкви. Такие тенденции считали либо ересью, либо бесовством. И еретика, и колдуна казнили, ибо, в сущности, оба нарушали один и тот же запрет. Эту убийственную теорию проводили в жизнь не из жестокости и не из низких побуждений, а ради высокой цели — спасти крещеный мир, то есть мир, находящийся под сенью Церкви. В монашеских и частью в клерикальных кругах противовесом было бегство от мира. Это подчеркивало святость в сердцевине Церкви, что давало возможность легче относиться к мирским порокам, кишащим где-то снаружи. Естественно, мир портил Церковь, а Церковь, господствующая над миром, препятствовала свободному развитию жизни мира.

In een aldus geordend volksleven optredend, heeft toen het Calvinisme een volkomen omwenteling in de gedachten en voorstellingen teweeggebracht. Ook hierbij zich voor Gods aangezicht stellende, heeft het niet alleen in den mensch het afschijnsel van Gods beeld, maar ook in de wereld om ons heen zijn scheppinggeëerd, en aanstonds het groot beginsel op den voorgrond gesteld, dat een andere de genade tot zaligheid was, en een andere de gemeene gratie, waardoor God het leven der wereld in stand hield, den vloek die op de wereld rustte ontspande, haar bederf stuitte, en alzoo de rijke ontwikkeling van ons leven door liet gaan, om daarin als Schepper zichzelven te verheerlijken. Zoo trad de Kerk terug, om niets meer noch iets anders dan een vergadering der geloovigen te zijn, en werd het leven der wereld op elk terrein niet van God, maar van de heerschappij der Kerk geëmancipeerd, om alleen uit den geloofsernst van Gods kinderen het tegengif te ontvangen tegen het haar inwonend bederf. Zoo herwon het huiselijk leven zijn zelfstandigheid, handel en bedrijf zagen zich in vrijheid op eigen kracht aangewezen, kunst en wetenschap werden losgemaakt van den kerkelijken band en aan eigen inspiratie hergeven, en het ons onderwerpen van heel de natuur en van de in haar verborgen krachten en schatten, als een gehoorzamen aan de scheppingsordinantiën uit het Paradijs verstaan. 23 Op het zondige in de wereld, niet op die wereld zelve zou voortaan de vloek rusten, en tegenover het kloosterlijk mijden van de wereld spreekt van nu voortaan de plicht, om in de wereld God te dienen, ook in zijn wereldsch, maar daarom niet minder Goddelijk beroep. In de Kerk God loven, maar ook in de wereld Hem dienen, werd de allen bezielende leuze, en in de Kerk werd de kracht gewonnen, om te midden der wereld optredende, nochtans hare verleiding en haar zondig dreigen te weêrstaan. Dus ging Puriteinsche ingetogenheid met een beslag leggen op heel het leven der wereld hand in hand, en gaf het Calvinisme den stoot voor die nieuwe levensontwikkeling, die het nil humanum a me alienum puto aandorst, en toch zich nimmer door den gifbeker der wereld liet bedwelmen.

Thus making its appearance in a well-ordered social state Calvinism has wrought an entire change in the 25 world of thoughts and conceptions. In this also, placing it self before the face of God, it has not only honored man for the sake of his likeness to the Divine image, but also the world as a Divine creation, and has at once placed to the front the great principle that there is a particular grace which works Salvation, and a common grace by which God, maintainsing the life of the world, relaxes the curse which rests upon it, arrests its process of corruption, and thus allows the untrammeled development of our life in which to glorify Himself as Creator. Thus the Church receded in order to be nothing more nor less than the congregation of believers, and in every department the life of the world was not emancipated from God, but from the dominion ol the Church; so that from the high moral standard among God's people alone the world might receive the antidote to its indwelling corruption. Thus domestic life regained its independence, trade and commerce realized their strength in liberty, art and science were set free from every ecclesiastical bond and restored to their own inspirations, and man began to understand the subjection of all nature with its hidden forces and treasures to himself as a holy duty, imposed upon him by the original ordinances of Paradise. Henceforth the curse should no longer rest upon the world itself, but upon that which is sinful in it, and instead of monastic flight from the world the duty is now emphasized of serving God in the world, in every position in life, life itself for the reason of its being secular being none the less divine. To praise God in the Church and serve Him in the world became the inspiring impulse, and in the Church, strength was to be gathered by which to resist temptation and sin in the world. Thus puritanic sobriety went hand in hand with the reconquest of the entire life of the world, and Calvinism gave the impulse to that new development which dared to face the world with the Roman thought: nil humanum a me alienum puto, although never allowing itself to be intoxicated by its poisonous cup. 26

Thus making its appearance in a dualistic social state, Calvinism has wrought an entire change in the world of thoughts and conceptions. In this also, placing itself before the face of God, it has not only honored man for the sake of his likeness to the Divine image, but also the world as a Divine creation, and has at once placed to the front the great principle that there is a particular grace which works Salvation, and also a common grace by which God, maintaining the life of the world, relaxes the curse which rests upon it, arrests its process of corruption, and thus allows the 31 untrammelled development of our life in which to glorify Himself as Creator. Thus the Church receded in order to be neither more nor less than the congregation of believers, and in every department the life of the world was not emancipated from God, but from the dominion of the Church. Thus domestic life regained its independence, trade and commerce realized their strength in liberty, art and science were set free from every ecclesiastical bond and restored to their own inspirations, and man began to understand the subjection of all nature with its hidden forces and treasures to himself as a holy duty, imposed upon him by the original ordinances of Paradise: “Have dominion over them”. Henceforth the curse should no longer rest upon the world itself, but upon that which is sinful in it, and instead of monastic flight from the world the duty is now emphasized of serving God in the world, in every position in life. To praise God in the Church and serve Him in the world became the inspiring impulse, and, in the Church, strength was to be gathered by which to resist temptation and sin in the world. Thus puritanic sobriety went hand in hand with the reconquest of the entire life of the world, and Calvinism gave the impulse to that new development which dared to face the world with the Roman thought: nil humanum a me alienum puto, although never allowing itself to be intoxicated by its poisonous cup.

Surgindo num estado social dualista, o Calvinismo tem realizado mudança completa no mundo dos pensamentos e concepções. Nisto também, colocando-se perante a face de Deus, tem honrado não apenas o homem por causa de sua semelhança à imagem divina, mas também o mundo como uma criação divina, e ao mesmo tempo tem dado proeminência ao grande princípio de que há uma graça particular que opera a salvação, e também uma graça comum pela qual Deus, mantendo a vida do mundo suaviza a maldição que repousa sobre ele, suspende seu processo de corrupção, e assim permite o desenvolvimento de nossa vida sem obstáculos, na qual glorifica-se como Criador.30

Deste modo a Igreja retrocedeu a fim de ser nada mais nada menos que a congregação de crentes, e em cada departamento a vida do mundo não foi emancipada de Deus, mas do domínio da Igreja. Assim, a vida doméstica recobrou sua independência, os negócios e o comércio atualizaram suas forças em liberdade, a arte e a ciência foram libertas de todo vínculo eclesiástico e restauradas à sua própria inspiração, e o homem começou a entender a sujeição de toda natureza, com suas forças e tesouros ocultos, a ele mesmo como um santo dever, imposto sobre ela pela ordenança original do Paraíso: “Tenha domínio sobre eles”. Doravante, a maldição não deveria mais repousar sobre o mundo em si, mas sobre aquilo que é pecaminoso nele, e em vez de vôo monástico do mundo o dever de servir a Deus no mundo, em cada posição na vida, é agora enfatizado. Louvar a Deus na Igreja e servi-lo no mundo tornou-se o impulso inspirador; na Igreja, deveria ser reunida força para resistir a tentação e ao pecado no mundo. Deste modo, a sobriedade puritana veio de mãos dadas com a reconquista da vida toda do mundo, e o Calvinismo deu o impulso para este novo desenvolvimento que ousou encarar o mundo com o pensamento Romano: nil humanum a me alienum puto31, embora nunca permitiu-se ser intoxicado por sua taça venenosa.

Появившись в обществе, где был такой дуализм, кальвинизм радикально изменил мысли и представления. Встав перед лицом Божиим, он и здесь почтил не только человека ради его сходства с Божиим образом, но и мир, как Божие творение, и сразу же поставил на первое место великий принцип: есть особая благодать, которая производит спасение, есть и общая благодать, которой Бог, поддерживая жизнь мира, облегчает проклятие, лежащее на нем, останавливает разложение и, тем самым, позволяет нашей жизни свободно развиваться, во славу Бога Творца. Церковь отступила, чтобы стать только собранием верных, и мирская жизнь была освобождена не от Бога, а от ее господства. Семейная жизнь обрела независимость; торговля осознала свою силу; искусство и наука освободились от церковных уз и были предоставлены самим себе, а человек начал понимать, что подчинять природу с ее скрытыми силами и богатствами — святой долг, наложенный на него еще в раю, когда Бог сказал ему: «Наполняйте землю и обладайте ею». Проклят не мир, а только то, что в нем греховно, и не надо бежать из него, как монахи, а служить в нем Богу, какое бы положение мы в нем ни занимали. Теперь людей вдохновляли восхваление Бога в Церкви и служение Ему в мире, а Церковь укрепляла верующих, чтобы те могли противостоять мирским искушениям и греху. Так пуританская трезвость сочеталась с отвоеванием всей жизни мира. Кальвинизм вдохновлял то, что развивалось, то, что осмелилось иметь дело с миром, руководствуясь римской мыслью: «Nil humanum a me alienum puto» (Ничто человеческое мне не чуждо (лат.)), но не позволяя себя одурманивать.

Vooral in zijn tegenstelling met het Anabaptisme teekent het Calvinisme zich hier scherp af. De Wederdooperij toch sloeg juist den tegenovergestelden weg in, en verhief in haar mijding van de wereld het uitgangspunt van het klooster tot algemeenen regel voor de geloovigen, en het is uit dit anabaptistisch grondbeginsel en niet uit het Calvinisme dat het Akosmisme bij een deel der Protestanten in West-Europa is opgekomen. Het Anabaptisme nam feitelijk de Roomsche theorie over, alleen met dit verschil dat het Koninkrijk Gods in plaats van de Kerk werd gesteld, en dat het de onderscheiding tusschen tweeërlei zedelijken standaard, de ééne voor den Clerus, en de andere voor de leeken, varen liet. Maar voor het overige was het ook zijn standpunt: 1º. dat de ongedoopte wereld onder den vloek lag, weshalve de Anabaptist zich onthield van alle bemoeiing met de burgerlijke instellingen; en 2º. dat de kring van den Doop — bij Rome de Kerk, maar bij hen het Koninkrijk Gods — geheel het burgerlijk leven onder zijn hoede had te nemen en te herscheppen; en zoo sticht Jan van Leyden zijn monsterrijk te Munster, en huppelden de Naaktloopers door Amsterdams straten. Alzoo stond het Calvinisme op dezelfde gronden, waarop het Romes theorie ten opzichte der wereld verwierp, óók tegen de theorie van het Anabaptisme over, en proclameerde dat de Kerk zich op haar geestelijk gebied heeft terug te trekken, dat we in de wereld de werking van Gods gemeene gratie hebben te eeren, 24 en dat we op dien grond, de wereld van kerkelijke banden emancipeerende, zelve in haar te verkeeren hebben als gebonden door Gods heilige ordinantiën.

Especially in its antithesis to Anabaptism Calvinism exhibits itself in bold relief. For Anabaptism adopted the opposite method, and in its effort to evade the world it confirmed the monastic starting-point generalizing it to a rule for all believers, and it was not from Calvinism, but from this anabaptistic principle, that Akosmism had its rise among certain Protestants in Western Europe. In fact Anabaptism adopted the Romish theor} r , with this difference: that it placed the kingdom of God in the room of the Church, and abandoned the distinction between the two moral standards, one for the clergy and the other for the laity. For the rest the Anabaptist's standpoint was:

1. that the unbaptized world was under the curse, for which reason he withdrew from all civil institutions; and

2. that the circle of baptized believers — with Rome the Church, but with him the kingdom of God — was duty bound to take all civil life under its guardianship and to remodel it; and so John of Leyden violently established his shameless power at Munster as King of the New Zion, and his devotees ran naked through the streets of Amsterdam. Hence on the same grounds on which Calvinism rejected Rome's theory concerning the world, it rejected the theory of the Anabaptist, and proclaimed that the Church must withdraw again within its spiritual domain, and that in the world we should realize the potencies of God's common grace in order that while emancipating the world from the Church we in our public life should feel bound by the holy ordinances of God.

Especially in its antithesis to Anabaptism Calvinism exhibits itself in bold relief. For Anabaptism adopted the opposite method, and in its effort to evade the world it confirmed the monastic starting-point, generalizing 32 and making it a rule for all believers, It was not from Calvinism, but from this anabaptistic principle, that Akosmism had its rise among so many Protestants in Western Europe. In fact, Anabaptism adopted the Romish theory, with this difference: that it placed the kingdom of God in the room of the Church, and abandoned the distinction between the two moral standards, one for the clergy and the other for the laity. For the rest the Anabaptist’s standpoint was: 1. that the unbaptized world was under the curse, for which reason he withdrew from all civil institutions; and 2. that the circle of baptized believers – with Rome the Church, but with him the kingdom of God – was in duty bound to take all civil life under its guardianship and to remodel it; and so John of Leyden violently established his shameless power at Munster as King of the New Zion, and his devotees ran naked through the streets of Amsterdam. Hence, on the same grounds on which Calvinism rejected Rome’s theory concerning the world, it rejected the theory of the Anabaptist, and proclaimed that the Church must withdraw again within its spiritual domain, and that in the world we should realize the potencies of God’s common grace.

O Calvinismo apresenta-se como auxílio audacioso, especialmente em sua antítese ao Anabatismo.32 Pois o Anabatismo adotou o método oposto, e em seu esforço de evitar o mundo, confirmou o ponto de partida monástico, generalizando e fazendo-o uma regra para todos os crentes. Não foi do princípio calvinista, mas deste princípio anabatista, que o Acosmismo33 teve sua ascensão entre tantos protestantes na Europa Ocidental. De fato, o Anabatismo adotou a teoria romanista, com a seguinte diferença: colocou o reino de Deus no lugar da Igreja, e abandonou a distinção entre os dois padrões morais, um para o clero e outro para o laicato. Pois o suporte para o ponto de vista Anabatista era: (1) que o mundo não batizado estava sob a maldição, razão pela qual ele se afastava de toda instituição civil; e (2) que o círculo dos crentes batizados – com a Igreja de Roma, mas com ele o reino de Deus – estava na obrigação de limitar-se a tomar toda lei civil sob sua tutela e a remodelá-la; e assim, John of Leyden * João de Leiden estabeleceu violentamente seu poder cínico em Munster como Rei da Nova Sião34, e seus devotos correram nús pelas ruas de Amsterdam. Portanto, nas mesmas bases sobre as quais o Calvinismo rejeitou a teoria de Roma a respeito do mundo, ele rejeitou a teoria do Anabatista, e proclamou que a Igreja deve retirar-se novamente para dentro de seu domínio espiritual, e que no mundo nós deveríamos realizar as potências da graça comum de Deus.

Особенно четко кальвинизм противопоставляет себя анабаптизму. Анабаптизм принял противоположный принцип, и, пытаясь бежать от мира, обязал всех верующих жить по-монашески. Именно из-за этого принципа, а не по вине кальвинизма, у многих протестантов Западной Европы проявился определенный акосмизм. В сущности, анабаптизм принял католическую теорию, только на место Церкви поставил Царство Божие и упразднил различия между двумя нравственными стандартами — одним для клира, а другим для мирян. Вообще же анабаптисты считали, что: 1) некрещеный мир — под проклятием (из-за этого анабаптисты ушли из всех гражданских учреждений); 2) круг крещеных верующих (для Рима — Церковь, а для них — Царство Божие) обязан взять под опеку всю гражданскую жизнь и изменить ее. Так, Иоанн Лейденский насильственно установил в Мюнстере свое бесстыдное правление как Царь Нового Сиона, и его приверженцы бегали голыми по Амстердаму4. По тем же причинам, по которым кальвинизм отверг католическое понимание мира, он отверг и теорию анабаптистов, провозгласив, что Церковь должна вернуться в духовную сферу, а в мире мы должны видеть потенции общей благодати Божией.

Zoo blijkt, derhalve dat het Calvinisme voor de drie grondverhoudingen van alle menschelijke existentie, t.w. hoe we voor God, tegenover den mensch, en in de wereld zullen staan, een eigen scherp geteekend uitgangspunt aanwijst. Voor wat de verhouding tot God aangaat: Rechtstreeksche gemeenschap van den mensch met het Eeuwige Wezen, onder uitsluiting van alle priesterschap of Kerk. Rakende de verhouding tusschen mensch en mensch: Erkenning in een ieder van de menschenwaarde die in de schepping naar Gods beeld ligt, en daarom voor God en de Overheid allen gelijk, een ieder in den dienst dien God hem aanwees en met de gaven die God hem voor dien dienst schonk. En wat betreft onze verhouding als Christenen tegenover de wereld: In heel die weeld de vloek door genade gestuit, het leven dier wereld in zijn zelfstandigheid geëerd, en wij de schatten door God in die wereld en in haar leven gelegd, op elk terrein ontwikkelend, onderwijl de vreeze Gods door hooger levensernst ons vrijwaart tegen haar gif. Dit nu geeft ons volle recht tot de verklaring, dat het Calvinisme voldoet aan de eerst gestelde drie voorwaarden, en alzoo het onbetwiste recht bezit, om naast die machtige vormen van levensontwikkeling die we in het Paganisme, het Islamisme, het Romanisme en het Modernisme zagen optreden, zich als eigen principiëelen levensvorm van alomvattende strekking te handhaven.


Thus it is shown that Calvinism has a sharply-defined starting-point of its own for the three fundamental relations of all human existence: viz., our relation to God, to man and to the world. For our relation to God: an immediate fellowship of man with the Eternal, independently of priest or church. For the relation of man to man : the recognition in each person of human worth, which is his by virtue of his creation after the Divine likeness, and therefore of the 27 equality of all men before God and the legislation, each one occupying the position appointed him of God, and endowed with the talents divinely bestowed for divine purposes. And for our relation to the world: the recognition that in the whole world the curse is restrained by grace, that the life of the world is to be honored in its independence, and that we must, in every domain, discover the treasures and develop the potencies hidden by God in the world and in her life, the fear of God remaining our never failing guarantee against her corruption. This justifies us fully in our statement that Calvinism duly answers the three abovenamed conditions, and thus is incontestably entitled to take its stand by the side of Paganism, Islamism, Romanism and Modernism, and to claim for itself the glory of possessing a fixed well-defined principle of an all-embracing tendency.

Thus it is shown that Calvinism has a sharply-defined starting-point of its own for the three fundamental relations of all human existence: viz., our relation to God, to man and to the world. For our relation to God: an immediate fellowship of man with the Eternal, independently of priest or church. For the relation of man to man: the recognition in each person of human worth, which is his by virtue of his creation after the Divine 33 likeness, and therefore of the equality of all men before God and his magistrate. And for our relation to the world: the recognition that in the whole world the curse is restrained by grace, that the life of the world is to be honored in its independence, and that we must, in every domain, discover the treasures and develop the potencies hidden by God in nature and in human life. This justifies us fully in our statement that Calvinism duly answers the three above-named conditions, and thus is incontestably entitled to take its stand by the side of Paganism, Islamism, Romanism and Modernism, and to claim for itself the glory of possessing a well-defined principle and an all-embracing life-system.


Assim, é demonstrado que o Calvinismo tem um ponto de partida claramente definido para as três relações fundamentais de toda existência humana próprio: a saber, nossa relação com Deus, com o homem e com o mundo. Para nossa relação com Deus: uma comunhão imediata do homem com o Eterno, independentemente do sacerdote ou igreja. Para a relação do homem com o homem: o reconhecimento do valor humano em cada pessoa, que é seu em virtude de sua criação conforme a semelhança de Deus, e portanto da igualdade de todos os homens diante de Deus e de seu magistrado. E para nossa relação com o mundo: o reconhecimento que no mundo inteiro a maldição é restringida pela graça, que a vida do mundo deve ser honrada em sua independência, e que devemos, em cada campo, descobrir os tesouros e desenvolver as potências ocultas por Deus na natureza e na vida humana. Isto justifica plenamente nossa declaração de que o Calvinismo deve responder as três condições acima mencionadas, e assim está incontestavelmente autorizado a tomar sua posição ao lado do Paganismo, Islamismo, Romanismo e Modernismo, e a reivindicar para si a glória de possuir um princípio bem definido e um sistema de vida abrangente.

Таким образом, мы видим, что во всех трех основных вопросах человеческого существования у кальвинизма была своя собственная, четко определенная отправная точка. С Богом человек общается непосредственно, независимо от священника или Церкви. В каждом человеке он видит достоинство образа Божиего, а потому признает всех людей равными перед Богом и перед властью. Что до отношения к миру, то он признает, что проклятие сдерживается благодатью, что жизнь мира надо почитать саму по себе, и что мы должны всячески открывать те богатства и развивать те силы, которые Бог сокрыл в природе и в человеческой жизни. Тем самым мы вправе утверждать, что кальвинизм отвечает указанным выше условиям и, наряду с язычеством, исламом, католицизмом и модернизмом, безусловно достоин занять свое место, поскольку у него есть четкий, строго очерченный принцип и всеобъемлющая система жизни.

Toch is hiermeê nog niet genoeg gezegd. Dat het Calvinisme in zekeren kring een eigen opvatting van het leven vormde, waaruit allengs een eigenaardige structuur voor dat leven in huis en maatschappij, op gewijd en ongewijd gebied opkwam, waarborgt aan het Calvinisme wel het recht om zich als zelfstandigeformatie te doen gelden, maar verheft het nog niet tot de eere van aan de ontwikkeling van het menschelijk geslacht als zoodanig den weg te hebben gewezen, en mist nog de kracht, om ook ons op te 25 eischen, dat we aan het Calvinisme de toewijding van ons hart en onze levenskracht gunnen. In China kan van het Kong-fut-tsi-anisme met even deugdelijk recht beweerd, dat het in eigen kring zulk een eigen formatie aan het leven schonk, en natuurlijk rust ook bij het gele ras, die eigen vorm van het leven op een eigen theorie. Doch wat heeft China voor het leven, voor de gestadige ontwikkeling van ons menschelijk geslacht gedaan! Ook voor zooverre de wateren van zijn leven dan nog helder blonken, wat vormden deze wateren anders dan een in zichzelf afgesloten meer? Van de hooge ontwikkeling waartoe Indië eens opklom, kan nagenoeg hetzelfde gezegd. Van wat in Mexico en Peru in de dagen der Montezuma’s en der Inca’s blonk, geldt dezelfde klachte. In alle deze streken bereikte het volk dat er woonde een niet geringen graad van ontwikkeling, maar die ontwikkeling bleef geïsoleerd, en bracht de ontwikkeling van ons menschelijk geslacht niet verder. Iets wat natuurlijk nog veel sterker geldt van wat in Afrika’s kust- en binnenland door het donker gekleurde ras gezonnen en gesticht werd; een nog veel lagere levensvorm, die u niet eens aan het meer, maar veeleer aan poel en moeras doet denken. Er gaat door ons geslacht maar één breede frissche stroom van leven, die van meet af de belofte der toekomst draagt, en die stroom is van Midden-Azië en de Levant uitgegaan, en heeft sinds zijn loop steeds van het Oosten naar het Westen doorgezet, is van West-Europa naar uw Oosterstaten en van daar tot Californië doorgetrokken. In Babylon en in het Nijldal ziet ge van dien ontwikkelingstroom den eersten aanvang. Van daar trekt hij door Griekenland. Van Griekenland gaat die stroom op het rijk der Romeinen over. Van de Romaansche volken vervolgt hij zijn weg naar het Noordwesten van Europa, en zoo bereikte hij uit Nederland en Engeland ten slotte ook uw werelddeel. Thans stuit die stroom. Westwaarts is zijn weg door China en Japan versperd, terwijl niemand zeggen kan wat kracht er voor de toekomst zal uitgaan van de dusver stil gebleven Slavische rassen. Doch onderwijl dit geheimenis der toekomst nog in het chiaroscuro van het mysterie schuilt, is in het verleden en in het heden dat voortdringen van den stroom van menschelijke ontwikkeling van het Oosten naar het Westen voor ieder onmiskenbaar, 26 en in verband hiermeê acht ik te mogen vaststellen, dat het Paganisme, het Islamisme en het Romanisme de drie opeenvolgende formatiën aangeven, die deze ontwikkeling doorloopen had, toen ten slotte de leiding in de handen van het Calvinisme overging, dat zich thans weer op zijn beurt dien leidenden invloed door het Modernisme, dat van de Fransche Revolutie uitging, ziet betwisten.

But even this is not all. The fact that in a given circle Calvinism has formed an interpretation of life of its own, from which both in the spiritual and secular domain a special system arose for domestic and social life, justifies it to assert itself as an independent formation ; but does not yet credit it with the honor of having led humanity as such up to a higher stage in its development, and therefore has not as yet attained that standpoint which alone could give it the right to claim for itself the energy and devotion of our hearts. In China it can be asserted with equal right that Confucianism has produced a form of its own for life in a given circle and with the Mongolian race that form of life rests upon a theory of its own. But what has China done for humanity in general, and for the steady development of our race? Even so far as the waters of its life were clear, they formed nothing but an isolated lake. Almost the same remark applies to the high development which was once the boast of India and to the state of things in Mexico and Peru in the davs of Montezuma and 28 the Iucas. In all these regions the people attained a high degree of development, but stopped there and, remaining ioslated, in no way proved a benefit to humanity at lai-ge. This applies more strongly still to the life of the colored races on the coast and in the interior of Africa ; a far lower form of existence reminding us not even of a lake but rather of pools and marshes. There is but one worldstream, broad and fresh, which from the beginning bore the promise of the future ; this stream had its rise in Middle -Asia and the Levant, and has steadily continued its course from East to West. From Western Europe it has passed on to your Eastern States and from thence to California. The sources of this stream of development are found in Babylon and in the valley of the Nile. From thence it flowed on to Greece. From Greece it passed on to the Roman Empire. From the Romanic nations it continued its way to the North-western parts of Europe, and so from Holland and England it reached at length your continent. At present that stream is at a standstill. Its Western course through China and Japan is impeded, meanwhile no one can tell what forces for the future may yet lie slumbering in the Slavic races which have thus far failed of progress. But while this secret of the future is still veiled in mystery, the course of this world-stream from East to West can be denied by none; and therefore I am justified in saying: that Paganism, Islamism and Romanism are the three successive formations which this development had reached, when its further direction passed over into the hands of Calvinism; and that Calvinism in turn is now denied this leading influence by Modernism, the daughter of the French Revolution.

But even this is not all. The fact that in a given circle Calvinism has formed an interpretation of life quite its own, from which both in the spiritual and secular domain a special system arose for domestic and social life, justifies its claim to assert itself as an independent formation. But it does not yet credit it with the honor of having led humanity, as such, up to a higher stage in its development, and therefore this life-system has not, so far as we have yet considered it, attained that position which alone could give it the right to claim for itself the energy and devotion of our hearts. In China it can be asserted with equal right that Confucianism has produced a form of its own for life in a given circle, and with the Mongolian race that form of life rests upon a theory of its own. But what has China done for humanity in general, and for the 34 steady development of our race? Even so far as the waters of its life were clear, they formed nothing but an isolated lake. Almost the same remark applies to the high development which was once the boast of India and to the state of things in Mexico and Peru in the days of Montezuma and the Incas. In all these regions the people attained a high degree of development, but stopped there, and, remaining isolated, in no way proved a benefit to humanity at large. This applies more strongly still to the life of the colored races on the coast and in the interior of Africa a far lower form of existence, reminding us not even of a lake but rather of pools and marshes. There is but one world-stream, broad and fresh, which from the beginning bore the promise of the future. This stream had its rise in Middle Asia and the Levant, and has steadily continued its course from East to West. From Western Europe it has passed on to your Eastern States, and from thence to California. The sources of this stream of development are found in Babylon and in the valley of the Nile. From thence it flowed on to Greece. From Greece it passed on to the Roman Empire. From the Romanic nations it continued its way to the Northwestern parts of Europe, and from Holland and England it reached at length your continent. At present that stream is at a standstill. Its Western course through China and Japan is impeded; meanwhile no one can tell what forces for the future may yet lie slumbering in the Slavic races which have thus far failed of progress. But while this secret of the future is still veiled in mystery, the course of this world-stream from East 35 to West can be denied by none. And therefore I am justified in saying that Paganism, Islamism and Romanism are the three successive formations which this development had reached, when its further direction passed over into the hands of Calvinism; and that Calvinism in turn is now denied this leading influence by Modernism, the daughter of the French Revolution.

Mas isto ainda não é tudo. O fato que num dado círculo o Calvinismo tem concebido uma interpretação da vida completamente própria, justifica sua reivindicação para afirmar-se como estrutura independente, da qual tanto no campo espiritual quanto no secular originou-se um sistema especial para a vida doméstica e social. Mas isto ainda não o credita com a honra de ter levado a humanidade, como tal, a um estágio superior em seu desenvolvimento. E, portanto, este sistema de vida não tem, até onde o temos considerado, atingido aquela posição única que poderia dar-lhe o direito de reivindicar para si a energia e devoção de nossos corações.

Na China, pode ser afirmado com igual razão, que o Confucionismo tem produzido uma forma para a vida em um dado círculo próprio. E com a raça Mongol, esta forma de vida repousa sobre uma teoria própria. Mas, o que a China tem feito pela humanidade em geral e para o contínuo desenvolvimento de nossa raça? Até mesmo onde as águas de suas vidas foram claras, elas nada formaram exceto um lago isolado. A mesma observação aplica-se ao alto desenvolvimento que certa vez foi o motivo de orgulho da Índia, e ao estado de coisas no México e Peru nos dias de Montezuma e dos Íncas. Nestas regiões, o povo alcançou um alto grau de desenvolvimento, mas parou ali, e permanecendo isolado, não proveu nenhum benefício para a humanidade em geral. Isto aplica-se, mais fortemente ainda, à vida da raça negra na costa e no interior da África – a forma mais baixa de existência, não lembrando-nos nem mesmo de um lago, mas de uma poça d’água e de um brejo.

Há, porém, um rio mundial, amplo e fresco, que desde o começo trouxe a promessa do futuro. Este rio tem sua origem na Ásia Média e no Levante e tem continuado firme em seu curso do Oriente para o Ocidente. Da Europa Ocidental, passou para seus Estados do Leste, e dali para a Califórnia. As fontes desse rio de desenvolvimento são encontradas na Babilônia e no vale do Nilo. Dali, seguiu para a Grécia. Da Grécia passou para o Império Romano. Das nações românicas, continuou seu caminho para as partes Noroeste da Europa, e da Holanda e Inglaterra ele alcançou finalmente seu continente. No presente, esse rio está em um remanso. Seu curso Ocidental através da China e Japão está impedido. Por enquanto, ninguém pode falar quais forças para o futuro podem ainda permanecer dormindo nas raças eslavas que têm até agora muita necessidade de progresso. Mas, enquanto esse segredo do futuro ainda está oculto em mistério, o curso do Oriente para o Ocidente desse rio mundial não pode ser negado por ninguém.

E, portanto, estou justificado em dizer que o Paganismo, o Islamismo e o Romanismo são três formações sucessivas que esse desenvolvimento tinha alcançado, quando sua direção suplementar passou para as mãos do Calvinismo; e a este Calvinismo, por sua vez, é agora negada esta influência liderada pelo Modernismo, o filho da Revolução Francesa.

Но и это не все. Кальвинизм создал свое толкование жизни, из которого и в духовной, и в мирской сфере возникла особая система жизни семейной и общественной, и потому он вправе считать себя независимым образованием. Но это еще не значит, что он привел человечество как таковое к более высокой стадии развития, и потому эта система воззрений на мир, насколько мы ее рассмотрели, еще не достигла того положения, которое дало бы ей право требовать от нас преданности и пыла. Можно же сказать, что конфуцианство в Китае создало свой собственный уклад, да и у монголов уклад жизни обусловлен их взглядами. Но что сделал Китай для человечества в целом, для его поступательного развития? Даже если воды его чисты, они образовали только замкнутое озеро. Почти то же самое применимо к тому уровню развития, которым некогда гордилась Индия, а в общем — и к Мексике или Перу времен Монтесумы и инков. Во всех этих местах люди достигали высокого уровня развития, а потом останавливались и, отделенные от других, не принесли никакой пользы человечеству в целом. Еще больше это относится к племенам на побережье и во внутренних частях Африки — их формы жизни, совсем уж низкие, напоминают даже не озеро, а заводь или болото. Только один мировой поток, широкий и свежий, изначально нес обетование будущего. Возник он на Среднем и Ближнем Востоке и непрерывно двигался с Востока на Запад. Из Западной Европы он перешел в ваши Восточные Штаты, а потом — в Калифорнию. Истоки его — в Вавилоне и в долине Нила. Оттуда он течет в Грецию, из Греции — в Римскую империю. От романских народов он продолжил путь к северо-западной Европе, а из Голландии и Англии достиг, наконец, вашего континента. Теперь этот поток словно застыл. Двигаться с Запада в Китай и Японию ему не очень легко; однако никто не может сказать, какие силы дремлют в славянских народах, пока отстающих в своем развитии. Хотя эта тайна истории еще покрыта мраком, никто не может отрицать, что поток двигался с Востока на Запад. Поэтому я вправе говорить, что язычество, ислам и католицизм — были тремя последовательными образованиями этого процесса, достигнутыми к тому времени, когда руководство им перешло к кальвинизму. Теперь это лидерство у кальвинизма оспаривает модернизм, порожденный Французской революцией.

De opeenvolging van deze vier ontwikkelingsphasen grijpt niet mechanisch met scherp afscheidende hoeken en lijnen plaats. Die ontwikkeling is organisch, en daarom heeft elke nieuwe periode haar wortel reeds in haar verleden. Het Calvinisme was in zijn diepste gedachte reeds door Augustinus gegrepen, was reeds lang voor Augustinus in datzelfde Rome door den apostel in zijn brief aan de Romeinen geproclameerd, en gaat van Paulus terug tot op Israël en zijn profeten, ja tot in de tente der patriarchen. Het Romanisme komt niet met één tooverslag uit den bodem oprijzen, maar is vermenging van de drie machten, die in Israëls priesterschap, in het kruis van Golgotha, en in de wereldorganisatie van het Roomsche keizerrijk waren gegeven. De Islam sluit aan Israëls Monisme, aan den Issa van Nazareth, en aan de traditie der Koreischiten aan. En zelfs het Paganisme van Babylon en Egypte eenerizjds en van Griekenland en Rome anderzijds staat weer in organisch verband met wat achter deze volkeren lag en aan het opbloeien van hun leven voorafging. Maar ook zoo is het toch helder als de dag, dat de hoofdmacht in de centrale ontwikkeling van het menschelijk geslacht zich achtereenvolgens, op de rij af, van Babylon en Egypte naar Griekenland en het Romeinsche rijk, straks naar het hoofdgebied van ’s Pausen heerschappij, en ten slotte naar de Calvinistische volkeren van West-Europa verplaatste. Al bloeide Israël reeds in de dagen van Babylon en Egypte, toch is destijds hoe hoog Israël ook stond, de leiding en de ontwikkeling van ons menschelijk geslacht niet bij Israël, maar bij de Belzazar’s en de Pharaonen. Straks gaat die leiding niet op Israël maar op Griekenland en Rome over. Hoe hoog ook bij het optreden van den Islam de stroom van het Christendom reeds gestegen was, in de 8e en 9e eeuw zijn de mannen van den Islam onze leermeesters, en rust het lot der wereld in hun hand. En ook al is het, dat de macht van 27 het Romanisme na den vrede van Munster nog nabloeit, toch betwist niemand het feit, dat de hooge ontwikkeling waartoe sints ons geslacht opklom, noch aan Spanje, noch aan Oostenrijk, en zelfs destijds niet aan Duitschland te danken was, maar in de 16e eeuw zeer beslist uitging van Nederland en Engeland, de landen van het Calvinisme. Het Romanisme heeft onder Lodewijk XIV in Frankrijk die hoogere ontwikkeling wel gestuit, maar slechts om in de Fransche Revolutie straks het Zerrbild van het Calvinisme te doen optreden, en juist hierdoor Frankrijks innerlijke kracht te breken en zijn internationale beteekenis te verzwakken. Uit Nederland en Engeland is de grondgedachte van het Calvinisme naar Amerika overgebracht, en is onze hoogere ontwikkeling steeds meer westwaarts getogen, aan het strand der stille Zuidzee eerbiediglijk wachtend wat verderen loop God haar besteld heeft. Doch in welke mysteriën de toekomst ook gehuld zij, vast staat, dat de breede stroom van de ontwikkeling van ons geslacht van Babylon naar San Francisco doorloopt, door de vijf stadiën van de Babylonisch-Egyptische, de Grieksch-Romeinsche, de Islamitische, de Romanistische en de Calvinistische beschaving, en dat hetgeen thans zoo in Europa als in Amerika de geesten in spanning doet worstelen, is de principiëele tegenstelling tusschen de energie van het Calvinisme dat van God uitging, in Gods Woord de bron van zijn kracht vond en in heel ons menschelijk leven de eere Gods hoog hield, en anderzijds zijn Zerrbild in de Fransche Revolutie, dat in het ni Dieu ni maître zijn ongeloofskreet aanhief, en straks in Duitsch-pantheïstischen vorm terugzuigt naar een modern Paganisme.


The succession of these four phases of development did not take place mechanically, with sharply outlined divisions and parts. This development of life is organic, and therefore each new period roots in the past. In its deepest logic Calvinism had already been apprehended by Augustine, had long 29 before Augustine been proclaimed in Rome by the Apostle in the Epistle to the Romans, and from Paul goes back to Israel and its prophets, yea to the tents of the patriarchs. Romanism does not make its appearance suddenly, as b} r one stroke of magic, but is the joint product of the three potencies of Israel's priesthood, the cross of Calvary, and the world-organization of the Roman Empire. Islam joins itself to Israel's Monism, to the Prophet of Nazareth, and to the tradition of the Koraishites. And even the Paganism of Babylon and Egypt on the one hand, and of Greece and Rome upon the other, stands organically related to what lay behind these nations, preceding the prosperity of their lives. But even so it is as clear as day that the supreme force in the central development of the human race moved along successively from Babylon and Egypt to Greece and Rome, then to the chief regions of the Papal dominion, and finally to the Calvinistic nations of Western Europe. If Israel flourished in the days of Babylon and Egypt, however high its standard, the direction and the development of our human race was not in the hands, of the sons ot Abraham but in those of the Belshassars and the Pharaohs. Again, this leadership does not pass from Babylon and Egypt on to Israel but to Greece and Rome. However high the stream of Christianity had risen when Islam made its appearance, in the 8 th and 9 th centuries the followers of Mahomet were our teachers and with them rested the issue of the world. And though the hegemony of Romanism still maintained itself for a short time after the peace of Munster, no one questions the fact, that the higher development which we are now enjoying we owe neither to Spain nor to Austria, nor even to the Germany of that time, but to the Calvinistic countries of the Netherlands and to England of the 16 th century. Under Louis XIV Romanism arrested this higher development in France, but only that in the French Revolution it might exhibit a ghastly caricature of Calvinism, which in its sad conse- 30 quences broke the inner strength of France as a nation, and weakened its international significance. The fundamental idea of Calvin has been transplanted from Holland and England to America, thus driving our higher development ever more Westward, until on the shores of the Pacific it now reverently abides whatsoever God has ordained. But no matter what mysteries the future may yet have to disclose the fact remains that the broad stream of the development of our race runs from Babylon to San Francisco, through the five stadia of Babylonian-Egyptian, Greek-Roman, Islamitic, Romanistic and Calvinistic civilization, and the present conflict in Europe as well as in America finds its main cause in the fundamental antithesis between the energy of Calvinism which proceded from the throne of God, found the source of its power in the Word of God, and in every sphere of human life exalted the glory of God, — and its caricature in the French Revolution, which proclaimed its unbelief in the cry of: no God no master; and which presently in the form of German Pantheism is reducing itself more and more to a modern Paganism.

Thus you see I spoke none too boldly, when I claimed for Calvinism the honor of being neither an ecclesiastic, nor a theologic, nor a sectarian conception, but one of the principal phases in the general development of our human race ; and among these the youngest, whose high calling it still remains to influence the further course of human life. And I make this statement without in any way undervaluing the importance of its caricature in Modernism, — but of this T wile speak later on.—

The succession of these four phases of development did not take place mechanically, with sharply outlined divisions and parts. This development of life is organic, and therefore each new period roots in the past. In its deepest logic Calvinism had already been apprehended by Augustine; had, long before Augustine, been proclaimed to the City of the seven hills by the Apostle in his Epistle to the Romans; and from Paul goes back to Israel and its prophets, yea to the tents of the patriarchs. Romanism likewise does not make its appearance suddenly, but is the world organization product of the three potencies of Israel’s priesthood, the cross of Calvary, and the world organization of the Roman Empire. Islam in the same way joins itself to Israel’s Monism, to the Prophet of Nazareth, and to the tradition of the Koraishites. And even the Paganism of Babylon and Egypt on the one hand, and of Greece and Rome upon the other, stand organically related to what lay behind these nations, preceding the prosperity of their lives. But even so, it is as clear as day that the supreme force in the central development of the human race moved along successively from Babylon and Egypt to Greece and Rome, then to the chief regions of the Papal dominion, and finally to the Calvinistic nations 36 of Western Europe. If Israel flourished in the days of Babylon and Egypt, however high its standard, the direction and the development of our human race was not in the hands of the sons of Abraham but in those of the Belshassars and the Pharaohs. Again, this leadership does not pass from Babylon and Egypt on to Israel but to Greece and Rome. However high the stream of Christianity had risen when Islam made its appearance, in the 8th and 9th centuries the followers of Mahomet were our teachers and with them rested the issue of the world. And though the hegemony of Romanism still maintained itself for a short time after the peace of Munster, no one questions the fact that the higher development, which we are now enjoying, we owe neither to Spain nor to Austria, nor even to the Germany of that time, but to the Calvinistic countries of the Netherlands and to England of the 16th century. Under Louis XIV, Romanism arrested this higher development in France, but only that in the French Revolution it might exhibit a ghastly caricature of Calvinism, which in its sad consequences broke the inner strength of France as a nation, and weakened its international significance. The fundamental idea of Calvin has been transplanted from Holland and England to America, thus driving our higher development ever more Westward, until on the shores of the Pacific it now reverently awaits whatsoever God has ordained. But no matter what mysteries the future may yet have to disclose, the fact remains that the broad stream of the development of our race runs from Babylon to San Francisco, through the five stadia of Babylonian-Egyptian, Greek-Roman, Islamitic, 37 Romanistic and Calvinistic civilization, and the present conflict in Europe as well as in America finds its man cause in the fundamental antithesis between the energy of Calvinism which proceeded from the throne of God, found the source of its power in the Word of God, and in every sphere of human life exalted the glory of God, and its caricature in the French Revolution, which proclaimed its unbelief in the cry of, “No God no master”; and which presently in the form of German Pantheism is reducing itself more and more to a modern Paganism.


A sucessão destas quatro fases de desenvolvimento não ocorreu mecanicamente, com divisões e partes claramente esboçadas. Este desenvolvimento da vida é orgânico e, portanto, cada novo período enraíza-se no passado. Em sua lógica mais profunda o Calvinismo já havia sido apreendido por Agostinho; muito tempo antes de Agostinho, tinha sido proclamado à Cidade das sete colinas pelo Apóstolo em sua Epístola aos romanos; e de Paulo remonta a Israel e seus profetas, sim às tendas dos patriarcas. O Romanismo, igualmente, não apareceu subitamente, mas é o produto de três potências combinadas: do sacerdócio de Israel, da cruz do Calvário e da organização mundial do Império Romano. O Islamismo do mesmo modo, une-se ao Monismo de Israel, ao Profeta de Nazaré e à tradição dos Koraishitas. E até mesmo o Paganismo da Babilônia e Egito por um lado, e da Grécia e Roma por outro, permanecem organicamente relacionados àquele encontrado antes destas nações, precedendo a prosperidade de suas vidas.

Mas, mesmo assim, é tão claro como o dia que a força suprema no desenvolvimento central da raça humana moveu-se para frente, sucessivamente da Babilônia e Egito para a Grécia e Roma, então para as principais regiões do domínio papal, e finalmente para as nações calvinistas da Europa Ocidental. Se Israel prosperou nos dias da Babilônia e Egito, apesar de seu alto padrão, a direção e desenvolvimento de nossa raça humana não estava nas mãos dos filhos de Abraão, mas nas dos filhos dos Belsazares e dos filhos dos Faraós.

Novamente, essa liderança não passou da Babilônia e Egito para Israel, mas para a Grécia e Roma. Embora o rio do Cristianismo tivesse subido muito, quando o Islamismo surgiu, nos séculos oitavo e nono os seguidores de Maomé foram os mestres e com eles repousou o comando do mundo. E, embora a hegemonia do Romanismo ainda mantida por si mesma, por um curto espaço de tempo depois da paz de Munster,35 ninguém questiona o fato de que o desenvolvimento superior, que estamos agora gozando, não devemos nem a Espanha nem a Áustria, nem mesmo a Alemanha daquele tempo, mas aos países calvinistas dos Países Baixos e da Inglaterra do século 16.

Sob Luís 14, o Romanismo interrompeu esse desenvolvimento superior na França, mas somente para que, na Revolução Francesa, pudesse exibir aquela caricatura deformada do Calvinismo, a qual em suas tristes conseqüências quebrou a força interior da França como nação, e enfraqueceu seu significado internacional. A idéia fundamental do Calvinismo tem sido transplantada da Holanda e Inglaterra para a América, assim dirigindo nosso desenvolvimento maior sempre mais para o Oeste, agora nas costas do Pacífico, ele aguarda respeitosamente tudo quanto Deus tem ordenado.

Mas não obstante quais mistérios o futuro possa ainda ter para desvendar, o fato é que o amplo rio do desenvolvimento de nossa raça corre da Babilônia para São Francisco, através da estadia em cinco civilizações Babilônica-Egípcia, Greco-Romana, Islâmica, romanista e calvinista, e o conflito atual na Europa, bem como na América, encontra sua causa principal na antítese fundamental entre a energia do Calvinismo que procedeu do trono de Deus, encontrou a fonte de seu poder na Palavra de Deus, e em cada esfera da vida humana exaltou a glória de Deus, - e sua caricatura na Revolução Francesa, que proclamou sua incredulidade ao gritar, “Nenhum Deus, nenhum senhor”; e que, atualmente, na forma de Panteísmo alemão, está reduzindo-se mais e mais a um Paganismo moderno.

Эти четыре фазы сменяли друг друга не механически, и их границы и компоненты не были определены четко. Жизнь развивается органически, и потому каждый новый этап имеет корни в прошлом. Кальвинизм в его глубинном смысле уже постиг Августин; а задолго до Августина его провозгласил Граду на семи холмах апостол в своем Послании к Римлянам. От Павла он восходит к Израилю и его пророкам, даже к патриархам. Католицизм тоже не возник сразу, его создали три силы — израильское священство, крест Голгофы и Римская империя. Ислам соединяется с израильским монизмом, с Пророком из Назарета и с традицией корейшитов. Даже язычество Вавилона и Египта, с одной стороны, и Греции и Рима — с другой, органически связано с тем, что скрывается за жизнью этих народов, предшествуя их процветанию. Но и при этом ясно как день, что высшая сила, направляющая основное развитие человеческого рода, двигалась последовательно из Вавилона и Египта в Грецию и Рим, затем — в основные области папского влияния и, наконец, к кальвинистским народам Западной Европы. Если Израиль и процветал в дни Вавилона и Египта, то, как бы ни был высок его уровень, направление и развитие человеческого рода было в руках не сынов Авраама, но сыновей Валтасара и фараонов. Руководящая роль переходит от Египта и Вавилона не к Израилю, но к Греции и Риму. Как бы высоко ни поднялось христианство к тому времени, когда возник ислам, в VIII и IX веках именно последователи Магомета были нашими учителями, в их руках находилось всемирное развитие. Гегемония католицизма еще держалась какое-то время после Мюнстерского мира, но никто не сомневается, что тем уровнем развития, который у нас есть, мы обязаны не Испании, не Австрии, и даже не Германии того времени, а кальвинистским Нидерландам и Англии XVI века. При Людовике XIV католицизм остановил это развитие во Франции, но лишь для того, чтобы в лице Французской революции предложить отвратительную карикатуру на кальвинизм, печальные последствия которой и сломили внутреннюю силу Франции и ослабили ее международное значение. Основная идея Кальвина перешла из Голландии и Англии в Америку, продвигая наше развитие еще дальше на Запад, пока не остановилась на берегах Тихого Океана, благоговейно ожидая Божиих повелений. Какие бы тайны ни открыло нам будущее, факт остается фактом: основной поток развития рода человеческого движется из Вавилона к Сан-Франциско через пять этапов вавилоно-египетской, греко-римской, исламской, католической и кальвинистской цивилизаций. Главная причина нынешних конфликтов в Европе, как и в Америке, — фундаментальное противостояние между энергией кальвинизма, которая исходит от престола Господня, берет силу в Слове Божием и в любой сфере жизни возвещает Его славу, и его карикатурой во Французской революции, которая провозгласила свое неверие словами «Ни Бога, ни господ», и теперь, в форме немецкого пантеизма, все больше и больше сводится к современному язычеству.

Ook onder dit opzicht heb ik dus niet te veel gezegd, toen ik voor het Calvinisme de eere opeischte, van noch een kerkelijk, noch een theologisch, noch een sectarisch begrip te zijn, maar op te zijn getreden als een der hoofdphasen in den algemeenen ontwikkelingsgang van ons menschelijk geslacht, en onder die hoofdphasen de jongste, die nog steeds de roeping in zich draagt om de ontwikkeling van ons menschelijk geslacht te leiden. Op het dwars daardoor heen gedreven Zerrbild van het Modernisme, in zijn 28 fransch atheïstischen en duitsch pantheïstischen vorm kom ik later terug. Thans ga ik voort u nog op een andere omstandigheid te wijzen, die mijn hoofdstelling bevestigen komt, en wel op de bloedmenging, die voor alle hoogere ontwikkeling van ons geslacht steeds de physieke basis vormde. Van het hoogland van Azië uit is ons menschelijk geslacht in zekere hoofdgroepen uiteengegaan, die hoofdgroepen hebben zich op hun beurt in volksstammen, die volksstammen in natiën en volken gesplitst, en geheel conform de profetische zegenspreuk van Noach zijn het uitsluitend de kinderen van Sem en Japheth geweest die de ontwikkeling van ons geslacht gedragen hebben. Van de derde hoofdgroep ging nimmer een stoot tot hoogere levensbezieling uit. Maar nu doet zich bij die beide hoofdgroepen, die den zegen van ons geslacht wegdroegen, een tweeledig verschijnsel voor. Er zijn volksstammen die zich geïsoleerd houden, maar ook andere volksstammen, die zich vermengen. Eenerzijds groepen die uitsluitend beschikken over de krachten in dien éénen stam gelegd, en anderzijds groepen die door zich te vermengen de kracht van den éénen stam met die van den anderen stam kruisen, en zoo tot een hooger resultaat komen. En nu is het opmerkelijk, dat de ontwikkelingsgang van het menschelijk geslacht juist door die groepen heentrekt, voor wie niet het isolement, maar de bloedmenging historisch kenmerk was. Het gele ras hield zich in hoofdzaak onvermengd, maar bleef dan ook in zichzelf besloten, en wierp geen vrucht af voor ons geslacht. Achter de Himmelaya school een soortgelijk leven, en ook daarvan ging geen ideëele aandrift voor de wereld uit. En zelfs in Europa mag gezegd, dat de Scandinaviërs en Slaven die zich het zuiverst in het bloed hielden, niet dan bij uitzondering deel namen aan de algemeene ontwikkeling, en er tot dusver nog niet in geslaagd zijn, een rijker type voor ons menschelijk leven te ontwikkelen. Daarentegen zijn de tabletten uit Babylon, die de groote Musea ons toonen, in hun twee talen ons nog ten bewijze, hoe in Mesopotamië het Arische element der Accadiërs zich vroegtijdig met het Semitisch-Babylonische had vermengd, en leidt de Egyptologie steeds meer tot de slotsom, dat we ook in het land der Pharaonen van meet af met eene uit twee rassen gemengde bevolking te doen hebben. Aan 29de voorgewende stameenheid der Grieken gelooft niemand meer. Zoo in Griekenland als in Italië blijken we te doen te hebben met later aangekomen volksstammen, die zich met de vroegere Pelasgen, Etrusciërs en wat stammen niet al, vermengd hadden. De Islam schijnt wel exclusief Arabisch te zijn, maar wie let op de uitbreiding van den Islam onder de Moren, de Perzen, de Turken en heel een reeks van door hen onderworpene volken, vooral wie opmerkt hoe de Islamitische volkeren zich steeds vrouwen namen uit elke groep die ze overheeren konden, kan het feit niet ontkennen, dat de bloedmenging juist bij de heerschers van den Islam ongemeen sterk was. Gaat straks de leiding der wereld op de Romanische volkeren over, dan stuit ge in Italië, in Spanje, in Portugal, in Frankrijk op hetzelfde verschijnsel. De oorspronkelijke bewoners zijn dan Basken of Kelten, de Kelten op hun beurt door de Germaansche stammen overweldigd, en gelijk in Italië de Oost-Goten en Longobarden, zoo hebben in Spanje de West-Goten, in Portugal de Sueven, in Frankrijk de Franken nieuw bloed in de verflauwde aderen uitgestort, en het is juist aan deze bloedverversching dat de Romanische volkeren hun rijken bloei tot in de 16e eeuw dank weten. Op het grondgebied van het volkerenleven herhaalt zich hier hetzelfde verschijnsel, dat in enkele princelijke huizen is gezien, t.w. dat juist de gestadige internationale huwelijken uit de Habsburgers, de Bourbons, de Oranjes en de Hohenzollern een vergelijkenderwijs overgroot aantal van mannen van beteekenis hebben doen voortkomen. De teelboer heeft bij het kruisen der rassen gelijk effect beoogd, en de botanici doen hun voordeel met denzelfden levensregel in het plantenrijk. Ook op zichzelf is het niet moeilijk in te zien, dat bijeenvoeging van de natuurkrachten, die over twee of drie stammen verdeeld zijn, leiden moet tot hoogere krachtsontwikkeling. Iets waar dan nog bijkomt, dat de ontwikkelingsgang van het menschelijk geslacht niet de verheffing van een enkelen stam, maar de vooruitgang van vele stammen saâm beoogt, en daarom door bloedmenging kracht wint. Uit dien hoofde mogen we verwachten dat ook het Calvinisme die wet volgen zal. En metterdaad vinden we dan ook, dat de volkeren, waar het Calvinisme het best wortel schoot, ons op alle manier zulk een vermenging vertoonen. In Zwitserland Duitschers, Italianen 30 en Franschen. In Frankrijk Gallen, Franken en Bourgundiërs. In België en Nederland Kelten en Walen en Germanen. En evenzoo in Engeland de Kelten en Anglosaxen, straks door de Normandiërs uit Frankrijk overgestoken tot hoogere volkseenheid saâmgevat. Met name mag gezegd, dat de drie hoofdstammen van West-Europa, het Keltische, het Romaansche en het Germaansche element, onder de leiding van het Germaansche, ons de genealogie geven van de Calvinistische volkeren. In Amerika waarheen het Calvinisme oversteekt, om zich in hoogere vrijheid te ontplooien, zien we die bloedmenging zelfs een vroeger ongekende evenredigheid aannemen. Hier vloeit het bloed uit alle volksstammen van de oude wereld ineen, en nogmaals zijn het de Kelten uit Ierland, de Germanen uit Duitschland en Scandinavië, met de Slaven uit Rusland en Polen en Galiciën vereenigd, die zich ter nieuwe bloedmenging aan de reeds zoo sterk gemengde stammen komen toevoegen. En deze laatste bloedmenging heeft zelfs onder dezen hoogeren exponent plaats, dat niet slechts stam over stam strijkt, maar de leden van alle onderscheiden volksfamiliën zich in één hoogere eenheid oplossen, steeds door het Amerikaansche type geassimileerd. Ook in dit opzicht voldoet het calvinisme alzoo geheel aan de voorwaarde, die voor elke nieuwe ontwikkelingsphase in het leven der menschheid gezet is. Het breidde zich uit op een terrein, waar de bloedmenging sterker was dan onder het Romanisme, en heeft die bloedmenging hier in Amerika tot de hoogst denkbare dooreenvloeiing opgevoerd.


Just now however allow me to indicate another circumstance, which strengthens my principal statement, viz., the com mingling of blood as thus far the physical basis of all higher human development. From the high-lands of Asia our human race came down in groups, and these in turn have been divided into races and nations; 31 and in entire conformity to the prophetic blessing of Noah the children of Shem and of Japheth have been the sole bearers of the development of the race. No impulse for any higher life has ever gone forth from the third group. With the two other groups a twofold phenomenon presents itself. There are tribal nations which have isolated themselves and others which have intermingled. Thus on the one hand there are groups which have dominated exclusively their own inherent forces and on the other hand groups which by commingling have crossed their traits with those of other tribes, so having attained a higher perfection. It is noteworthy that the process of human development steadily proceeds with those groups whose historic characteristic is not isolation but the commingling of blood. On the whole the Mongolian race has held itself apart, and in its isolation has bestowed no benefits upon our race at large. Behind the Himalayas a similar life secluded itself, and hence failed to impart any permanent impulse to the outside world. Even in Europe we find that with the Scandinavians and Slavs there was hardly any intermingling of blood, and, consequently having failedto develop a richer type, they have taken little part in the general development of human life. On the other hand the tablets from Babylon in our great Museums by the two languages of their inscriptions still show that in Mesopotamia the Aryan element of the Accadians mingled itself at an early period with the Semitic- Babylonian, and Egyptology leads us to conclude that in the land of the Pharaohs we deal from the beginning with a population produced lay the mingling of two different tribes. No one believes any longer the pretended race-unity of the Greeks. In Greece as well as in Italy we deal with races of a later date who have intermingled with the earlier Pelasgians, Etruscians and others. Islam seems to be exclusively Arabic, but a study of the spread of Islamism among the Moors, Persians, Turks and other series of subjected tribes, with whom intermarriage was 32 common, at once reveals the fact that especially with Mahometans the commingling of blood was even greater than with their predecessors. When the leadership of the world passed into the hands of the Romanic natious, the same phenomenon presented itself in Italy, Spain, Portugal and France. In these cases the Aborigines were generally Basques or Celts, the Celts in turn being overcome by the Germanic tribes, and even as in Italy the East-Gots and Lombards, so in Spain the West-Gots, in Portugal the Swabians and in France the Franks instilled new blood into debilitated veins and to this wonderful rejuvenation the Romanic nations owed their vigor until far into the 16 th century. Thus in the life of nations the same phenomenon repeats itself which so often strikes the Historian as a result of international marriages among princely families, viz.. that the Hapsburgs and the Bourbons, the Oranges and the Hohenzollern, for instance, have been, centmy after century, productive of a host of most remarkable statesmen and heroes. The raiser of stock has aimed at the same effect in the crossing of different breeds, and botanists harvest large profits by obeying the same law of life with plants. And by itself it is not difficult to perceive that the union of natural powers, divided among different tribes, must be productive of a higher development. To this it should be added that the history of our race does not aim at the improvement of any single tribe, but at the development of mankind taken as a whole and therefore needs this commingling of blood in order to attain its end. For this reason we may expect that Calvinism also will obey this law, in fact history shows that the nations among whom Calvinism flourished most widely, exhibit in even way this mingling of races. In Switzerland the Cermans, united with Italians and French ; in France the Gauls, with Franks and Burgundians; in the Lowlands Celts and Welch with Germans ; so also in England the old Celts and Anglo-saxons, were afterwards raised to a still higher standard 33 of national life by the invasion of the Normans. Indeed it ma}- be said, that the three principal tribes of Western Europe, the Celtic, Romanic and Germanic elements under the leadership of the Germanic, give us the genealogy of the Calvinistic nations. In America, where Calvinism has come to unfold itself in a still higher liberty, this commingling of blood is assuming a larger proportion than has ever yet been known. Here the blood flows together from all the tribes of the ancient world, and again we have the Celts from Ireland, the Germans from Germany and Scandinavia, united to tbe Slavs from Russia and Poland, who promote still farther this already vigorous intermingling of the races. This latter process takes place under the higher exponent that it is not merely the union of tribe with tribe, but that the old historic nations are dissolving themselves in order to allow the reunion of their members in one higher unity, constantly assimilated by the American type. In this respect also Calvinism fully meets the conditions imposed on every new phase of development in the life of humanity. It spread itself in a domain where it found the commingling of blood stronger than under Romanism, and in America raised this up to its highest conceivable realization.

Thus notice I was not too bold when I claimed for Calvinism the honor of being neither an ecclesiastical, nor a theological, nor a sectarian conception, but one of the principal phases in the general development of our human race; and among these the youngest, whose high calling still is to influence the further course ofhuman life. Just now, however, allow me to indicate another circumstance, which strengthens my principal statement, viz., the commingling of blood as, thus far, the physical basis of all higher human development. From the high-lands of Asia our human race came down in groups, and these in turn have been divided into races and nations; and in entire conformity to the prophetic blessing of Noah the children of Shem and of Japheth have been the sole bearers of the development of the race. No impulse for any higher life has ever gone forth from the third group. With the two other groups a twofold phenomenon presents itself. There are tubal nations which have isolated themselves 38 and others which have intermingled. Thus on the one hand there are groups which have dominated exclusively their own inherent forces, and on the other hand groups which by commingling have crossed their traits with those of other tribes, and thus have attained a higher perfection It is noteworthy that the process of human development steadily proceeds with those groups whose historic characteristic is not isolation but the commingling of blood. On the whole the Mongolian race has held itself apart, and in its isolation has bestowed no benefits upon our race at large. Behind the Himalayas a similar life secluded itself, and hence failed to impart any permanent impulse to the outside world. Even in Europe we find that with the Scandinavians and Slavs there was hardly any intermingling of blood, and, consequently having failed to develop a richer type, they have taken little part in the general development of human life. On the other hand, the tablets from Babylon in our great Museums by the two languages of their inscriptions still show that in Mesopotamia the Aryan element of the Accadians mingled itself at an early period with the Semitic-Babylonian; and Egyptology leads us to conclude that in the land of the Pharaohs we deal from the beginning with a population produced by the mingling of two very different tribes. No one believes any longer the pretended race-unity of the Greeks. In Greece as well as m Italy we deal with races of a later date who have intermingled with the earlier Pelasgians, Etruscians and others. Islâm seems to be exclusively Arabic, but a study of the spread of Islamism among the Moors, Persians, Turks and other series of subjected tribes, with 39 whom intermarriage was common, at once reveals the fact that especially with Mahometans the commingling of blood was even greater than with their predecessors. When the leadership of the world passed into the hands of the Romanic nations, the same phenomenon presented itself in Italy, Spain, Portugal and France In these cases the Aborigines were generally Basques or Celts, the Celts in turn being overcome by the Germanic tribes, and even as in Italy the East Goths and Lombards, so in Spain the West Goths, in Portugal the Swabians, and in France the Franks instilled new blood into debilitated veins, and to this wonderful rejuvenescence the Roman nations owed their vigor until far into the 16th century. Thus in the life of nations the same phenomenon repeats itself which so often strikes the historian as a result of international marriages among princely families, as we see how the Hapsburgs and the Bourbons, the Oranges and the Hohenzollern, for instance, have been, century after century, productive of a host of most remarkable statesmen and heroes. The raiser of stock has aimed at the same effect in the crossing of different breeds, and botanists harvest large profits by obeying the same law of life with plants; and by itself it is not difficult to perceive that the union of natural powers, divided among different tribes, must be productive of a higher development. To this it should be added that the history of our race does not aim at the improvement of any single tribe, but at the development of mankind taken as a whole, and therefore needs this commingling of blood in order to attain its end. Now in fact history shows that the nations among whom Calvinism flourished most 40 widely exhibit in every way this same mingling of races. In Switzerland, the Germans, united with Italians and French; in France, the Gauls, with Franks and Burgundians; in the Lowlands, Celts and Welsh with Germans; also in England the old Celts and Anglo Saxons were afterwards raised to a still higher standard of national life by the invasion of the Normans. Indeed it may be said that the three principal tribes of Western Europe, the Celtic, Romanic and Germanic elements under the leadership of the Germanic, give us the genealogy of the Calvinistic nations. In America, where Calvinism has come to unfold itself in a still higher liberty, this commingling of blood is assuming a larger proportion than has ever yet been known. Here the blood flows together from all the tribes of the ancient world, and again we have the Celts from Ireland, the Germans from Germany and Scandinavia, united to the Slavs from Russia and Poland, who promote still further this already vigorous intermingling of the races. This latter process takes place under the higher exponent that it is not merely the union of tribe with tribe, but that the old historic nations are dissolving themselves in order to allow the re-union of their members in one higher unity, hitherto constantly assimilated by the American type. In this respect also Calvinism fully meets the conditions imposed on every new phase of development in the life of humanity. It spread itself in a domain where it found the commingling of blood stronger than under Romanism, and in America raised this to its highest conceivable realization.41


Assim, observe que eu não fui muito audacioso quando reivindiquei para o Calvinismo a honra de ser não uma concepção eclesiástica, nem uma concepção teológica, nem uma concepção sectária, mas uma das principais fases no desenvolvimento geral de nossa raça humana; e entre estas a mais jovem, cuja grande vocação é influenciar ainda mais o curso da vida humana. Contudo, permitam-me indicar uma outra circunstância, a qual reforça minha declaração principal, a saber, a mistura de sangue como, até aqui, a base física de todo desenvolvimento humano superior.

Das terras altas da Ásia nossa raça humana desceu em grupos, e estes por sua vez têm sido divididos em raças e nações; e em total conformidade com a bênção profética de Noé, os filhos de Sem e de Jafé têm sido os únicos portadores do desenvolvimento da raça. Nenhum impulso para qualquer vida superior jamais tem vindo do terceiro grupo. Com os dois grupos apresenta-se um duplo fenômeno. Há nações tribais que têm se isolado e outras que têm se miscigenado. Deste modo, por um lado, há grupos que têm dominado exclusivamente suas próprias forças inerentes, e por outro lado, grupos que pela mistura têm cruzado suas características com as de outras tribos e, assim, atingido uma perfeição superior.

É digno de nota que o processo do desenvolvimento humano prossegue continuamente com aqueles grupos cuja característica histórica não é o isolamento, mas a mistura de sangue. No todo a raça mongol tem se mantido separada, e em seu isolamento não tem conferido nenhum benefício para nossa raça em geral. Atrás do Himalaia uma vida, semelhantemente, separou-se e por isso falhou em comunicar qualquer impulso permanente para o mundo exterior. Até mesmo na Europa, encontramos que com os escandinavos e eslavos dificilmente há alguma miscigenação e, conseqüentemente, tendo falhado em desenvolver um tipo mais rico, eles têm pouca participação no desenvolvimento geral da vida humana.

Por outro lado, os tabletes da Babilônia, em nossos grandes Museus, pelas duas linguagens de suas inscrições mostram que na Mesopotâmia o elemento Ariano36 dos Acadianos37 misturou-se em um período primitivo com o Semita-babilônico; e a egiptologia nos leva a concluir que na terra dos faraós tratamos desde o começo com uma população produzida pela mistura de duas tribos muito diferentes. Ninguém mais crê na pretensa raça única dos gregos. Na Grécia, tanto quanto na Itália, tratamos com raças de uma data posterior que tem se miscigenado com os primitivos pelasgos,38 etruscos e outros.

O Islamismo parece ser exclusivamente árabe, mas um estudo sobre a sua expansão entre os mouros, persas, turcos e outra série de tribos subjugadas, com quem era comum unirem-se por casamento, revela ao mesmo tempo o fato que, especialmente com os maometanos, a mistura de sangue foi ainda maior do que com seus predecessores. Quando a liderança passou para as mãos das nações romanas, o mesmo fenômeno apresentou-se na Itália, Espanha, Portugal e França. Nestes casos os nativos eram geralmente bascos ou celtas,39 os celtas por sua vez foram conquistados pelas tribos germânicas, e igualmente na Itália os godos do Oriente e os lombardos, assim na Espanha os godos do Ocidente, em Portugal os suevos, e na França os francos introduziram novo sangue nas veias debilitadas, e a este rejuvenescimento maravilhoso as nações romanas devem seu vigor até além do século 16.

Assim, na vida das nações o mesmo fenômeno se repete, o qual muitas vezes surpreende o historiador como um resultado de casamentos internacionais entre famílias reais, como vemos por exemplo como os Hapsburgos e os Burbons, os Oranges e os Hohenzollernos têm sido, século a século, produtor de uma multidão dos mais notáveis estadistas e heróis. O criador de animais tem visado o mesmo efeito através cruzamento de diferentes raças, e os botânicos têm colhido amplos proveitos com as plantas pela obediência a mesma lei da vida; por si mesmo não é difícil perceber que a união de poderes naturais, divididos entre diferentes tribos, deve ser produtor de um desenvolvimento superior.

A isto deveria ser adicionado que a história de nossa raça não visa a melhoria de uma tribo em particular, mas o desenvolvimento da humanidade tomada como um todo; e, portanto, necessita dessa mistura de sangue, a fim de atingir seu fim. De fato, a História mostra que as nações entre as quais o Calvinismo prosperou exibem mais amplamente em todas as formas essa mesma mistura de raças. Na Suíça, os alemães uniram-se com o italianos e os franceses; na França, os gauleses com os francos e os borgonheses; nas Terras Baixas, celtas e galeses 40 com alemães; também na Inglaterra os velhos celtas e anglo-saxões foram mais tarde elevados a um padrão de vida nacional ainda mais alto pela invasão dos normandos. De fato pode ser dito que as três principais tribos da Europa Ocidental, a Céltica, a Romana e a Alemã, elementos sob a liderança da alemã, nos dá a genealogia das nações calvinistas.

Na América, onde o Calvinismo tem se expandido numa liberdade ainda maior, esta mistura de sangue está assumindo uma proporção maior do que tem sido conhecida até agora. Aqui, flui junto o sangue de todas as tribos do mundo antigo, e novamente temos os celtas da Irlanda, os alemães da Alemanha e da Escandinávia, unidos aos eslavos da Rússia e Polônia, que promovem ainda mais essa já vigorosa miscigenação das raças. Este último processo ocorre sob o mais alto expoente, que não é meramente a união de tribo com tribo, mas que as velhas nações históricas estão se dissolvendo, a fim de permitir a reunião de seus membros numa unidade superior, até agora continuamente assimilado pelo tipo americano. Também nesse aspecto, o Calvinismo igualmente satisfaz plenamente as condições impostas sobre cada nova fase de desenvolvimento na vida da humanidade. Ele se expandiu num campo onde encontrou a mistura de sangue mais forte do que sob o Romanismo, e na América elevou isto a sua mais alta realização concebível.

Таким образом, заметьте, я не был слишком дерзок, когда назвал кальвинизм не церковной, не теологической, не сектантской концепцией, а одной из основных фаз в общем развитии человечества, да еще самой молодой, чье высокое призвание должно влиять на дальнейший ход человеческой истории. Теперь позвольте мне указать на другое обстоятельство, которое подкрепляет мой главный тезис, а именно — на смешение крови как физическую подоплеку человеческого развития. С гор Азии человечество сошло в виде групп, группы эти разделились на расы и нации. В полном соответствии с пророческим благословением Ноя, только дети Сима и Иафета продолжили развитие рода человеческого. У этих двух развитие двойственно. Одни народы изолировали себя, другие смешались. Таким образом, одни питались только своими собственными силами, а другие соединили свои свойства со свойствами других племен и, тем самым, достигли большего совершенства. Стоит заметить, что постоянно развиваются именно те группы, которые не обособлялись, а смешивались. Монголы, можно сказать, держались обособленно, и ничем не одарили человечество. За Гималаями отгородилась другая форма жизни, которая не смогла непрестанно влиять на мир. Даже в Европе мы видим, что скандинавы и славяне едва ли с кем-то смешивались и потому не смогли развить более богатую форму существования. А вот двуязычные вавилонские таблички в наших музеях все еще показывают, что в Месопотамии арийский5 элемент аккадцев6 смешался с семито-вавилонским; египтология же приводит нас к заключению, что в земле фараонов изначально жили люди, произошедшие от смешения двух очень разных племен. Больше никто не верит в единство греков. В Греции, как и в Италии, более поздние народы смешались с пеласгами, этрусками и другими. Ислам кажется чисто арабским, но, изучая его распространение среди мавров, персов, турок и других подчиненных племен, мы узнаем, что среди мусульман смешение кровей было еще больше, чем среди их предшественников. Когда главная роль в мире перешла к романским народам, то же самое обнаружилось в Италии, Испании, Португалии и Франции. Там аборигенами были в основном баски или кельты7. Кельты же были покорены германскими племенами: в Италии — остготами и ломбардами, в Испании — вестготами, в Португалии — свевами, во Франции — франками, которые влили новую кровь в ослабевшие вены, и этому чудесному омоложению романские народы обязаны своей силой до XVI столетия. Таким образом, в жизни народов повторяется то же явление, которое часто поражает историка, изучающего межнациональные браки королевских семейств, — он видит, например, что Габсбурги и Бурбоны, принцы Оранские и Гогенцоллерны от столетия к столетию производили множество самых замечательных политических деятелей и героев. Владелец стада делает то же самое, скрещивая разные породы, и ботаники пожинают немалую выгоду, повинуясь тому же закону. Да и так нетрудно понять, что союз естественных сил, разделенных между племенами, должен приводить к дальнейшему развитию.

Добавим, что история нашего рода стремится не к улучшению какого-то одного племени, а к развитию человечества, и потому нуждается в смешении кровей. Так вот, история и впрямь показывает, что народы, среди которых кальвинизм особенно процветал, несомненно, произошли от смешения различных кровей. В Швейцарии немцы соединились с итальянцами и французами, во Франции — галлы с франками и бургундцами; в Нидерландах кельты и валлийцы8 с германцами; а в Англии древние кельты и англо-саксы поднялись на еще более высокий уровень общественной жизни после вторжения норманнов. Можно сказать, что три основных племени Западной Европы — кельты, германцы и романские народы — под руководством германцев породили народы кальвинистские. В Америке, куда кальвинизм пришел, чтобы раскрыть себя в еще большей свободе, это смешение кровей обретает невиданные масштабы. Здесь течет кровь всех племен древнего мира. Кельты из Ирландии, германцы из Германии и Скандинавии, славяне из России и Польши снова продвигают вперед уже набравшее силу смешение. Последний процесс показывает все очевидней, что это не просто союз племени с племенем; древние исторические народы распадаются, чтобы их члены воссоединились на более высоком уровне единства, в постоянном процессе ассимиляции американского типа. Кальвинизм и в этом отношении полностью отвечает требованиям, налагаемым на каждую новую фазу развития человечества. Он распространился в областях, где смешение кровей протекало сильнее, чем в католических странах. В Америке он усилил это смешение до такого высокого уровня, какой только можно представить.

Aldus blijkt, dat het Calvinisme niet alleen aan de gestelde voorwaarde der bloedmenging voldoet, maar in het groot proces der menschelijke ontwikkeling, naar eisch, ook ten deze een verder stadium vertegenwoordigt. De bloedmenging speelt een nog ondergeschikte rol in Babylon; ze heeft reeds meerdere beteekenis bij Grieken en Romeinen; ze gaat verder in den Islam; heerscht reeds onder het Romanisme; maar eerst bij de volkeren van het Calvinisme bereikt ze haar voleinding. Hier in Amerika nadert ze de dooreenmenging van alle volkeren onzer oude wereld. 31 Soortgelijke voleinding van het proces vertoont het Calvinisme nu ten slotte ook nog onder dit ander opzicht, dat eerst onder den invloed van het Calvinisme de stoot der levensbeweging van het volk zelf uitgaat. Er is in het leven der volkeren een opklimming van onmondigheid tot mondigheid. Gelijk nu in het huisgezin, zoolang de kinderen onontwikkeld zijn, alle leiding van het hoofd des gezins uitgaat, zoo is het natuurlijk, dat ook in het leven der volkeren, zoolang zij zelven nog tot spontane handeling onbekwaam zijn, de Aziatische despoot, straks de magistraat, daarna magistraat en geestelijkheid, en voorts de geestelijkheid alleen, aan het hoofd der beweging staat. Wat in Babylon, onder de Pharaonen, wat in Griekenland en Rome, wat straks onder den Islam, en daarna onder het Papaal-systeem als voortgaande historie doorleefd is, bevestigt dan ook dezen gang der ontwikkeling. Maar gelijk het van zelf spreekt, hierbij kon het niet blijven. Juist doordat de voortgaande ontwikkeling er toe leidde, om de volkeren zelven mondig te maken, moest er ten leste een stadium bereikt worden, waarin het volk zelf wakker werd, zelf optrad, en uit eigen bron de actie deed voortkomen, die de verdere beweging leiden zou; en het is dit stadium, dat metterdaad in het opkomen van het Calvinisme bereikt blijkt te zijn. Tot dusver was elke voorwaartsche beweging van de machthebbers in den Staat, in de Kerk of op het gebied der Wetenschap uitgegaan, en van boven af tot het volk afgedaald. In het Calvinisme daarentegen ziet men voor het eerst het volk in zijn breede lagen zelf te voorschijn treden, en uit eigen spontaneiteit naar een hoogeren vorm van menschelijke samenleving dingen. Het Calvinisme komt uit het volk zelf op. Zelfs in de Luthersche landen is het nog de magistraat, die de actie leidt, maar in Zwitserland onder de Hugenoten, in België, in Nederland, in Schotland, en straks in Amerika, geeft het volk zelf den stoot. Het blijkt gerijpt, het blijkt mondig te zijn geworden. En ook waar de adel, in nobele aandrift, het voor de verdrukten waagt op te nemen, loopt toch zijn actie bijna allerwege op niets uit, en is het alleen de burgerij die doortast, en onder deze burgerij de groep der “kleyne luyden” aan wier moedig initiatief een Willem de Zwijger het welslagen van zijn ondernemen dankt.


Thus it is shown that Calvinism does not only meet the necessary condition of the mingling of blood, but that in the process of human development it also represents, with respect to this, a further stadium. In Babylon this commingling of blood was of small significance ; it gains in importance with the Greeks and Romans; it goes further under Islamism ; is dominant under Romanism ; but only among Calvinistic nations does it reach its highest perfection. Here in America it is achieving the intermingling of all the. nations of the old world. A similar climax of this process of human development is also exhibited lyy Cal- 34 viuism in the fact, that only under the influence of Calvinism does the impulse of public activity proceed from the people themselves. In the life of the nations also there is development from the under-age period to that of maturity. As in the family-life, during the years of childhood, the direction of affairs is in the hands of the parents, so also in the life of the nations it is but natural that during their under-age period first the Asiatic despot, then some eminent ruler, afterwards the priesthood, and finally both priest and magistrate together should stand at the head every movement. The history of the nations in Babylon oi and under the Pharaohs, in Greece and Rome, under Islamism and under the papal system, fully confirms this course of development. But it is self-evident that this could not be the permanent state of things. Just because by this progress of development the nations finally came of age, they must at length reach that stadium in which the people awoke, stood up for their rights, and originated the movement that was to direct the course of future events; and in the rise of Calvinism this stadium appears to have been reached. Thus far every forward movement had gone forth from the authorities in State, Church or Science, and from thence had descended to the people. In Calvinism on the other hand the people themselves stand out in their broad ranks and from a spontaneity of their own, press forward to a higher form of social life and conditions. Calvinism had its rise with the people. In Lutheran countries the magistrate was still the leader in public advances, but in Switzerland, among the Huguenots, in Belgium, in the Netherlands, in Scotland and now in America the people themselves created the impetus. They seemed to have matured; to have reached the period in which they were of age. Even when in some cases the nobility took an heroic stand for the oppressed, their activity ended in nothing, and the middle class alone, by its undaunted euergy, broke the barrier, and among these it 35 was the "common folk" to whose heroic initiative William the Silent as he hemself acknowledges owed the success of his undertaking.

Thus it is shown that Calvinism meets not only the necessary condition of the mingling of blood, but that in the process of human development it also represents, with respect to this, a further stadium. In Babylon this commingling of blood was of small significance; it gains in importance with the Greeks and Romans; it goes further under Islamism; is dominant under Romanism; but only among Calvinistic nations does it reach its highest perfection. Here in America it is achieving the intermingling of all the nations of the old world. A similar climax of this process of human development is also exhibited by Calvinism in the fact that only under the influence of Calvinism does the impulse of public activity proceed from the people themselves. In the life of the nations also there is development from the underage period to that of maturity. As in the family-life, during the years of childhood, the direction of affairs is in the hands of the parents, so also in the life of the nations it is but natural that during their under-age period first the Asiatic despot, then some eminent ruler, afterwards the priesthood, and finally both priest and magistrate together should stand at the head of every movement. The history of the nations in Babylon and under the Pharaohs, in Greece and Rome, under Islamism and under the papal system, fully confirms this course of development. But it is self-evident that this could not be a permanent state of things. Just because in their progressive development the nations finally came of age, they must at length reach that stadium in which the people itself awoke, stood up for their rights, and originated the movement 42 that was to direct the course of future events; and in the rise of Calvinism thisstadium appears to have been reached. Thus far every forward movement had gone forth from the authorities in State, Church or Science, and from thence had descended to the people. In Calvinism, on the other hand, the peoples themselves stand out in their broad ranks and form a spontaneity of their own, press forward to a higher form of social life and conditions. Calvinism had its rise with the people. In Lutheran countries the magistrate was still the leader in public advances, but in Switzerland, among the Huguenots, in Belgium, in the Netherlands, in Scotland and also in America the peoples themselves created the impetus. They seemed to have matured; to have reached the period in which they were of age. Even when in some cases, as in the Netherlands, the nobility for a moment took a heroic stand for the oppressed, their activity ended in nothing, and the people alone, by undaunted energy, broke the barrier, and among these it was the “common folk” to whose heroic initiative William the Silent, as he himself acknowledges, owed the success of his undertaking.


Assim é demostrado que o Calvinismo não apenas satisfaz a condição necessária da mistura de sangue, mas que no processo do desenvolvimento humano também representa, com respeito a isto, uma fase adicional. Na Babilônia, esta mistura de sangue foi de pouca importância; ela ganha importância com os gregos e romanos; e vai mais adiante sob o Islamismo; é dominante sob o Romanismo; mas somente entre as nações calvinistas alcança sua mais alta perfeição. Aqui, na América, está se conseguindo a miscigenação de todas as nações do velho mundo.

Um clímax similar deste processo de desenvolvimento humano é exibido também pelo Calvinismo no fato que, somente sob sua influência, o impulso da atividade pública procedeu do próprio povo. Na vida das nações também há desenvolvimento do período de menoridade para o da maioridade. Como na vida familiar, durante os anos de infância, a direção dos afazeres está nas mãos dos pais, assim também na vida das nações é natural que durante seu período de menoridade primeiro o déspota asiático deveria estar à frente de cada movimento, então algum eminente governador, mais tarde o sacerdote, e finalmente ambos, o sacerdote e o magistrado juntos.

A história das nações na Babilônia e sob os Faraós, na Grécia e Roma, sob o Islamismo e sob o sistema papal, confirma plenamente este curso de desenvolvimento. Mas é auto-evidente que isso não poderia ser o estado permanente das coisas. Exatamente porque em seu desenvolvimento progressivo as nações finalmente atingiram a maioridade, agora devem, em fim, alcançar aquela fase na qual o próprio povo despertado, defende seus direitos e dá origem ao movimento que deve dirigir o curso dos eventos futuros. E na ascensão do Calvinismo esta fase mostra-se ter sido alcançada. Até aqui cada movimento para frente tinha saído da autoridade do Estado, da Igreja ou da Ciência, e daí descido para o povo. No Calvinismo, por outro lado, as próprias pessoas destacam-se em suas classes sociais e a partir de uma espontaneidade própria delas, pressionam para frente, para uma forma de vida e condições sociais superiores. O Calvinismo teve sua ascensão com o povo. Nos países Luteranos o magistrado ainda era o líder nos avanços públicos, mas na Suíça, entre os huguenotes, na Bélgica, na Holanda, na Escócia e também na América as próprias pessoas criaram o impulso. Elas parecem ter amadurecido; ter alcançado o período da maioridade. Mesmo quando em alguns casos, como na Holanda, a nobreza por um momento tomou uma posição heróica pelos oprimidos, sua atividade terminou em nada, e somente o povo, pela energia destemida, rompeu a barreira, e entre estes estava o “povo comum”, para quem a iniciativa heróica de William o Silencioso,41 como ele mesmo reconhece, deveu o sucesso de seu empreendimento.

Итак, мы показали, что кальвинизм не только отвечает необходимому условию смешения крови, но и представляет собой следующую стадию в развитии человеческого рода. В Вавилоне это смешение значило мало; в Греции и Риме оно значительно возросло; в рамках ислама пошло еще дальше, возобладало в католических странах, но только среди кальвинистских народов достигло высочайшего совершенства. Здесь, в Америке, смешиваются все нации старого света. Высокий уровень человеческого развития выражается и в том, что лишь под влиянием кальвинизма к общественной деятельности стремятся сами люди. Народы переходят от детства к зрелости. Подобно тому, как в семье ребенком руководят родители, так и для народов вполне естественно, что в младенчестве ими правит азиатский деспот, потом — выдающийся правитель, потом — священство, и, наконец, представители церковной и светской власти вместе стоят во главе любого движения. История народов в Вавилоне и Египте, в Греции и Риме, в исламе и при папской системе, полностью подтверждает этот путь развития. Само собой разумеется, так не может быть всегда. Именно потому, что, развиваясь, народы наконец приходят к зрелости, они должны достичь той стадии, при которой люди сами берутся за дело, защищают свои права, создают движения, направляющие ход событий. Этой стадии они достигли с возникновением кальвинизма. До этого времени всякий импульс к дальнейшему движению исходил от государства, Церкви или науки и лишь затем нисходил на уровень народа. При кальвинизме же народы сами проявляют активность, выражают собственную волю, устремляются к более высокой форме общественной жизни и лучшим условиям существования. Кальвинизм поднялся вместе с народом. В лютеранских странах магистрат еще руководил общественной жизнью, но в Швейцарии, среди гугенотов, в Бельгии, в Нидерландах, в Шотландии, а также в Америке народы сами становились движущей силой. По-видимому, они созрели, достигли возмужания. Даже когда в Нидерландах аристократы ненадолго возглавили защиту угнетенных, у них ничего не вышло, и люди сами с невиданной силой сломали преграду. Вильгельм Молчаливый, по его собственным словам, обязан успехом своего дела «простому народу».

32 Zoo heb ik u dan aangetoond, dat het Calvinisme, als centraal levensverschijnsel in de ontwikkeling der menschheid, niet alleen met volkomen gelijk recht een plaats der eere inneemt naast de Paganistische, Islamitische en Romanische ontwikkelingsvormen en op gelijke wijze als deze een algemeen, heel het leven beheerschend, beginsel vertegenwoordigt, maar ook dat het voldoet aan alle voorwaarden, om den stroom van de ontwikkeling der menschheid een stadium verder te leiden. Toch zou dit alles bloote mogelijkheid blijven, zonder werkelijkheid te geven, indien de historie niet toonde, dat het Calvinisme ook feitelijk den stroom van het menschelijk leven in een andere bedding heeft overgeleid, en het gelaat der volken in hun saâmleven veranderd en veredeld heeft. En daarom voeg ik er nu ten besluite nog aan toe, dat het Calvinisme gebleken is, niet alleen deze mogelijkheden in zich te dragen, maar ook zoo kostelijke vrucht metterdaad te hebben afgeworpen. Ge behoeft u, om dit in te zien, slechts af te vragen, wat er van Europa, wat er van Amerika zou geworden zijn, indien bij de constellatie van het midden der 16e eeuw niet plotseling het Calvinisme, in heel West-Europa tegelijk, boven den gezichtseinder ware verschenen. Ware het Calvinisme uitgebleven, zoo zou Spanje de Nederlanden overweldigd hebben, de Stuarts zouden in Engeland en Schotland meester van het terrein zijn gebleven, in Zwitserland zou de geest der halfheid den triomf hebben behaald, en de levensaanvangen van deze nieuwe wereld zouden een gansch ander karakter gedragen hebben. Tengevolge hiervan zou het evenwicht tusschen de Europeesche Staten zich in de 16e en 17e eeuw op geheel andere wijze hebben gevormd; het Protestantisme zou zich op staatkundig gebied niet hebben kunnen handhaven; door niets zou de Roomsch-conservatieve macht der Habsburgers, der Bourbons en der Stuarts te stuiten zijn geweest; en van de vrije ontwikkeling der volkeren, gelijk we die thans in West-Europa en Amerika zagen opkomen, zou kortweg geen sprake zijn geweest. Heel Amerika ware aan Spanje’s macht onderworpen gebleven. De geschiedenis van twee werelddeelen zou een geheel andere, veel donkerdere zijn geweest, en zelfs rijst de vraag, of in Duitschland de geest van het Leipziger Interim niet de bovenhand zou hebben herkregen om, over de brug van een geromaniseerd 33 Protestantisme, allengs ook het Noorden van Europa weder onder de macht van wereldsche en kerkelijke overheersching te brengen. De bewondering waarmede in de tweede helft dezer eeuw de beste geschiedschrijvers zich telkens weer op de worsteling van Nederland tegen Spanje wierpen, als een der schoonste stoffen voor hun onderzoek, is dan ook alleen te verklaren uit de steeds veldwinnende overtuiging, dat, ware destijds Spanje’s overwicht niet door het heroisme van den Calvinistischen geest overhoop geworpen, de geschiedenis niet alleen in Nederland, maar in heel Europa, ja in heel de wereld, een even pijnlijk verloop zou hebben gehad, als dit verloop thans, dank zij het Calvinisme, hartverheffend en verblijdend was. Terecht schreef Prof. Fruin dan ook: “In Zwitserland, in Frankrijk, in Nederland, in Schotland, in Engeland, overal waar het Protestantisme zich door het zwaard moest vestigen, is het het Calvinisme geweest, dat den strijd heeft gewonnen”. 4)

Hence as a central phenomenon in the development of humanity Calvinism is not only entitled to an honorable position by the side of Paganistic, Islamistic and Romanistic forms, since like these it represents a peculiar principle dominating the whole of life, but it also meets every required condition for the advancement of human development another stadium. And yet this would remain a bare possibility without any corresponding reality, if history did not testify that Calvinism has actually caused the .stream of human life to flow in another channel, and has ennobled the social life of the nations. And therefore in closing I assert that Calvinism not only held out these possibilities but has also understood how to realize them. To prove this, just ask yourselves what would have become of Europe and America, in case in the 16th century the star of Calvinism had not suddenly arisen on the horizon of Western Europe. In that case Spain would have crushed the Netherlands. In England and Scotland the Stuarts would have carried out their fatal plans. In Switzerland the spirit of half-heartedness would have gained the day. And the beginnings of life in this new world would have been of an entirely different character. And as a necessary sequence the balance of power in Europe would have returned to its former stand. Protestantism would not have been able to maintain itself in politics. No further resistance could have been offered to the Romish-conservative power of the Hapsburgs, the Bourbons and the Stuarts ; and the free development of the nations, as seen in Europe and America, would simply have been prevented. The whole American continent would have remained subject to Spain; the history of both continents would have become a most mournful one and it ever remains a question whether the spirit of the 36 Leipzig Interim would not have succeded, by way of a romanized Protestantism, in reducing Northern Europe again to the sway of the old Hierarchy. The enthusiastic devotion of the best historians of the second half of this century to the struggle of the Netherlands against Spain, as one of the finest subjects of investigation, only explains itself by the conviction, that if the power of Spain had not been broken by the heroism of the Calvinistic spirit, the history of the Netherlands, of Europe and of the world would have been as painfully sad and dark as now, thanks to Calvinism, it is bright and inspiriting. Professor Fruin rightly remarks that: "In Switzerland, in France, in the Netherlands, in Scotland and in England, and wherever Protestantism has had to establish itself at the point of the sword, it was Calvinism that gained the day."'

Hence, as a central phenomenon in the development of humanity, Calvinism is not only entitled to an honorable position by the side of Paganistic, Islamistic and Romanistic forms, since like these it represents a peculiar principle dominating the whole of life, but it also meets every required condition for the advancement of human development to a higher stage. And yet 43 this would remain a bare possibility without any corresponding reality, if history did not testify that Calvinism has actually caused the stream of human life to flow in another channel, and has ennobled the social life of the nations. And therefore in closing I assert that Calvinism not only held out these possibilities but has also understood how to realize them. To prove this, just ask yourselves what would have become of Europe and America, if in the 16th century the star of Calvinism had not suddenly arisen on the horizon of Western Europe. In that case Spain would have crushed the Netherlands. In England and Scotland the Stuarts would have carried out their fatal plans. In Switzerland the spirit of halfheartedness would have gained the day. The beginnings of life in this new world would have been of an entirely different character. And as an unavoidable sequence, the balance of power in Europe would have returned to its former position. Protestantism would not have been able to maintain itself in politics. No further resistance could have been offered to the Romish-conservative power of the Habsburgs, the Bourbons and the Stuarts; and the free development of the nations, as seen in Europe and America, would simply have been prevented. The whole American continent would have remained subject to Spain. The history of both continents would have become a most mournful one, and it ever remains a question whether the spirit of the Leipzig Interim would not have succeeded, by way of a Romanized Protestantism, in reducing Northern Europe again to the sway of the old Hierarchy. The enthusiastic devotion of the best historians of the second 44 half of this century to the struggle of the Netherlands against Spain, as one of the finest subjects of investigation, only explains itself by the conviction that if the power of Spain at that time had not been broken by the heroism of the Calvinistic spirit, the history of the Netherlands, of Europe and of the world would have been as painfully sad and dark as now, thanks to Calvinism, it is bright and inspiriting. Professor Fruin justly remarks that: “In Switzerland, in France, in the Netherlands, in Scotland and in England, and wherever Protestantism has had to establish itself at the point of the sword, it was Calvinism that gained the day.”

Portanto, como fenômeno central no desenvolvimento da humanidade, o Calvinismo não está apenas habilitado a uma posição de honra ao lado das formas paganista, islâmica e romanista, visto que como estes ele representa um princípio peculiar dominando o todo da vida, mas também satisfaz cada condição requerida para o avanço do desenvolvimento humano a um estágio superior. E isto permaneceria ainda uma simples possibilidade sem qualquer realidade correspondente, se a História não testificasse que o Calvinismo tem realmente induzido o rio da vida humana a fluir em outro canal, e tem enobrecido a vida social das nações. E portanto, encerrando, eu afirmo que o Calvinismo não somente sustenta estas possibilidades, mas também tem compreendido como realizá-las.

Para provar isto, perguntem-se o que a Europa e a América teriam se tornado, se no século 16 a estrela do Calvinismo não tivesse subitamente nascido no horizonte da Europa Ocidental. Neste caso, a Espanha teria esmagado a Holanda. Na Inglaterra e Escócia, os Stuarts teriam executado seus planos fatais. Na Suíça, o espírito de indiferença teria prosperado. Os primórdios da vida neste novo mundo teriam sido de um caráter completamente diferente. E como seqüência inevitável, a balança do poder na Europa teria retornado a sua primeira posição. O Protestantismo não teria sido capaz de manter-se na política. Nenhuma resistência adicional poderia ter sido oferecida ao poder romanista conservador dos Hapsburgos, dos Bourbons e dos Stuarts; e o livre desenvolvimento das nações, como visto na Europa e América, simplesmente teria sido impedido. Todo o continente americano teria permanecido sujeito à Espanha. A história de ambos os continentes teria se tornado uma história muito triste, e sempre permanece uma questão se o espírito do Ínterim de Leipzig42 não teria sido bem-sucedido, por via de um protestantismo romanizado, ao reduzir o norte da Europa novamente ao controle da velha hierarquia.

A devoção entusiástica dos melhores historiadores da segunda metade deste século à luta da Holanda contra a Espanha, um dos mais belos objetos de investigação, somente explica-se pela convicção de que se o poder da Espanha naquele tempo não tivesse sido quebrado pelo heroísmo do espírito calvinista, a história da Holanda, da Europa e do mundo teria sido tão penosamente triste e negra quanto agora; graças ao Calvinismo, ela é brilhante e inspiradora. O professor Fruin corretamente observa que: “Na Suíça, na França, na Holanda, na Escócia e na Inglaterra, e onde quer que o Protestantismo teve de estabelecer-se na ponta da espada, foi o Calvinismo que prosperou”.

Тем самым, по своей роли в развитии человечества кальвинизм не только достоин почетного места рядом с язычеством, католицизмом и исламом, поскольку подобно им представляет особый принцип, господствующий над всей жизнью. Он отвечает любому условию для продвижения рода человеческого на более высокий уровень. И все же это осталось бы чистой возможностью, если бы история не засвидетельствовала, что кальвинизм на самом деле заставил поток развития течь по другому руслу и облагородил общественную жизнь народов. Поэтому в заключение я утверждаю, что кальвинизм не только явил те или иные возможности, но и показал, как их осуществить. Чтобы это доказать, просто спросим себя, чтo бы стало с Европой и Америкой, если бы в XVI столетии над Западной Европой не поднялась звезда кальвинизма. Испания разгромила бы Нидерланды. В Англии и Шотландии Стюарты осуществили бы свои гибельные планы. В Швейцарии возобладало бы малодушие. Жизненные начинания этого мира носили бы совершенно иной характер. По неизбежности, равновесие сил в Европе возвратилось бы к исходному состоянию. Протестантизм не смог бы утвердить себя в политике. Никто не мог бы сопротивляться консервативной власти Габсбургов, Бурбонов, Стюартов; и свободного развития народов, которое мы видим в Европе и Америке, просто бы не было. Весь американский континент остался бы под властью Испании. История обоих континентов оказалась бы весьма печальной, и, очень может быть, возобладал бы дух Лейпцигского перемирия9, чтобы через окатоличенный протестантизм привести Европу назад, под власть старой иерархии. Пылкий интерес лучших историков второй половины нашего столетия к борьбе Нидерландов с Испанией объясняется именно тем, что, если бы власть Испании не была сломлена героизмом кальвинистского духа, история Нидерландов, Европы и всего мира была бы темной и горькой, а не как сейчас — светлой и одухотворяющей благодаря кальвинизму. Профессор Фрейн справедливо заметил, что «в Швейцарии, во Франции и в Нидерландах, в Шотландии и в Англии, везде, где протестантизм утверждался мечом, в первом ряду стоял кальвинизм».

Voegt hieraan nu toe, dat het deze keer in de wereldhistorie niet kon tot stand brengen, dan door een ander beginsel in het menschelijk hart te planten, en een andere wereld van gedachten voor den menschelijken geest te ontsluiten; denkt het in, hoe eerst door het Calvinisme de psalm der vrijheid uit de benauwde consciëntie naar de lippen drong; hoe onze constitutioneele burgerrechten eerst door het Calvinisme veroverd en verzekerd zijn; en hoe tegelijk juist van West-Europa die machtige beweging uitging, die wetenschap en kunst deed opbloeien, aan handel en nijverheid nieuwe banen ontsloot, het huiselijk en maatschappelijk leven opluisterde, den burgerstand tot eere verhief, den werkman als van gelijken rechte naast zijn patroon plaatste, de philanthropie welig deed uitbotten, en boven dit alles door puriteinschen ernst het zedelijk leven der menschheid verhoogd, gereinigd en geadeld heeft, en oordeelt zelf dan, of het aangaat dit van God ons gegeven Calvinisme nog langer als een afgespeeld drama naar de archieven der historie te verbannen, en of het zoo ondenkbaar is, dat ditzelfde Calvinisme ons nogmaals een zegen heeft te brengen en een schoone hope voor de toekomst in zich sluit. 34

Call to mind that this turn in the history of the world could not have been brought about except by the implanting of another principle in the human heart, and by the disclosing of another world of thought to the human mind ; that only by Calvinism the psalm of liberty found its way from the troubled conscience to the lips; that Calvinism has captured and guaranteed to us our constitutional civil rights; and that simultaneously with this there went out from Western Europe that mighty movement which promoted the revival of science and art, opened new avenues to commerce and trade, beautified domestic and social life, exalted the middle classes to positions of honor, caused philanthropy to abound, and more than all this, elevated, purified and ennobled moral life by puritanic seriousness, and then judge for yourselves whether it will do to banish any longer this God-given Calvinism to the archives of history, and whether it is so much of a dream to conceive that Calvinism has yet a blessing to bring and a bright hope to unveil for the future.

Call to mind that this turn in the history of the world could not have been brought about except by the implanting of another principle in the human heart, and by the disclosing of another world of thought to the human mind; that only by Calvinism the psalm of liberty found its way from the troubled conscience to the lips; that Calvinism has captured and guaranteed to us our constitutional civil rights; and that simultaneously with this there went out from Western Europe that mighty movement which promoted the revival of science and art, opened new avenues to commerce and trade, beautified domestic and social life, exalted the middle classes to positions of honor, caused philanthropy to abound, and more than all this, elevated, purified, and ennobled moral life by puritanic seriousness; and then judge for yourselves whether it will do to banish any longer this God-given Calvinism to the archives of history, and whether it is so much of a dream to conceive that Calvinism has yet a blessing 45 to bring and a bright hope to unveil for the future.

Traga à memória que esta mudança na História do mundo não poderia ter sido realizada exceto pelo implante de outro princípio no coração humano, e pela descoberta de outro mundo de pensamento para a mente humana; que somente pelo Calvinismo o salmo de liberdade encontrou seu caminho da consciência perturbada para os lábios; que ele tem conquistado e garantido para nós nossos direitos civis constitucionais; e que, simultaneamente a isto, saiu da Europa Ocidental aquele poderoso movimento que promoveu o reavivamento da ciência e da arte, abriu novas avenidas para o comércio e negócios, embelezou a vida doméstica e social, exaltou a classe média a posições de honra, produziu filantropia em abundância, e mais do que tudo isto, elevou, purificou e enobreceu a vida moral pela seriedade puritana; e então julguem por si mesmos se expulsarão ainda mais este Deus dado pelo Calvinismo aos arquivos da História, e se é apenas um sonho imaginar que ele ainda tenha uma bênção para trazer e uma esperança brilhante para desvendar para o futuro.

Вспомните, что этот поворот в истории мира не был бы осуществлен, если бы в человеческое сердце не был вложен новый принцип, и иной мир мысли не открылся человеческому разуму. Только при кальвинизме псалом свободы пробился из тревожного сердца к устам, только кальвинизм добился для нас и гарантировал нам конституционные гражданские свободы, и именно при нем из Западной Европы пришло могучее движение, которое возродило науки и искусства, открыло новые пути коммерции и торговле, внесло красоту в семейную и общественную жизнь, возвысило средний класс, способствовало филантропии, мало того — вознесло, очистило и облагородило нравственную жизнь пуританской серьезностью. Теперь судите сами, стоит ли сдавать этот богоданный кальвинизм в архивы истории, и так ли уж наивно считать, что он еще принесет благословение и реализует яркую надежду на будущее.

Gij weet wat in Zuid-Afrika de laatste twintig jaren is geschied. De strijd van de Boeren in Transvaal tegen Albions overmacht moet ook u vaak aan de worsteling uit eigen historie hebben herinnerd. Welnu, in wat bij Majuba of op de Spitskop, en nog onlangs bij Dr. Jameson’s inval door Kruger met zijn handvol getrouwen tegen het machtigste wereldrijk is bestaan, heeft weer de heldenmoed van het oude Calvinisme geblonken. Indien het Calvinisme aan de Boeren niet van de vaderen ware overgeleverd geweest, hun bloed zou om niet vergoten zijn en geen Transvaal meer bestaan. Zoo is dan het Calvinisme niet dood. Nog draagt het in zijn kiem de volle levensenergie van de dagen zijner vroegere glorie. Gelijk de zaadkorrels uit den sarcophaag der Pharaonen, op nieuw aan de aarde toevertrouwd, een meer dan honderdvoudig gewas uitgaven, zoo draagt ook het Calvinisme nog een wondere kracht voor de toekomst der volkeren in zich. Wat in Transvaal bestaan is, kan ook onder ons in de worsteling met den tijdgeest hernieuwd worden. Tegen dien tijdgeest, die ons ons Christendom ontrooven wil, biedt meer en beter dan eenige andere richting het Calvinisme een principieel en daarom onverwinlijk verweer.

1) R. Fruin, Tien jaren uit den tachtigjarigen oorlog, p. 151.

2) Bakhuizen van den Brink, Het huwelijk van Willem van Oranje met Anna van Saxen, p. 123.

3) [noot engelse editie:] Cd. Busken Huet, Het Land van Rembrandt, 2de druk, II, p. 223.p>

4) Tien Jaren uit den tachtigjarigen oorlog, I. ed. p. 151.

You know what has taken place in Southern-Africa these last twenty years. The struggle of the Boers in the Trans- 37 vaal against Albion's superior powers must often have reminded you of your own past. In what was achieved at Majuba or at the Spitskop, and recently in the invasion of Dr. Jameson by Kruger and his handful of faithful followers the heroism of old Calvinism was again brilliantly evident. If Calvinism had not been passed on from our fathers to the Boers, their blood would not have been so heroically shed, and no free republic would have arisen in the Sonth of the Dark Continent. This proves that Calvinism is not dead — that it still carries in its germ the vital energy of the days of its former glory. Even as a grain of wheat from the Sarcophagi of the Pharoahs, when again committed to the soil, bears fruit a hundredfold, so Calvinism still carries in itself a wondrous power for the future of the nations. What has been achieved in South Africa by the Boers, we Christians of both Continents should achieve in our still holier struggle for Christianity, marching under the banner of the Cross against the spirit of the times And for this purpose, of all Protestant tendencies Calvinism alone arms us with an inflexible principle, by the strength of that principle guaranteeing us a sure, though tar from easy victory.

The struggle of the Boers in the Transvaal against one of the mightiest powers must often have reminded you of your own past. In what has been achieved at Majuba, and recently at the occasion of Jameson’s raid, the heroism of old Calvinism was again brilliantly evident. If Calvinism had not been passed on from our fathers to their African descendants, no free republic would have arisen in the South of the Dark Continent. This proves that Calvinism is not dead – that it still carries in its germ the vital energy of the days of its former glory. Yea, even as a grain of wheat from the sarcophagi of the Pharaohs, when again committed to the soil, bears fruit a hundredfold, so Calvinism still carries in itself a wondrous power for the future of the nations. And if we, Christians of both Continents, in our still holier struggle, are still expected to achieve heroic deeds, marching under the banner of the Cross against the spirit of the times, Calvinism alone arms us with an inflexible principle, by the strength of that principle guaranteeing us a sure, though far from easy victory.

1) As Dr. James Orr (in his valuable lectures on the Christian View of God and the World, Edinb. 1897, p. 3) observes, the German technical term Weltanschauung has no precise equivalent in English. He therefore used the literal translation view of the world, notwithstanding this phrase in English is limited by associations, which connect it predominatingly with physical nature. For this reason the more explicit phrase: life and world view seems to be more preferable. My American friends, however, told me that the shorter phrase: life system, on the other side of the ocean, is often used in the same sense. So lecturing before an American pubic, | I took the shorter phrase, at least in the title of my first lecture, the shortest expression always having some preference for what is to be the general indication of your subject matter. In my lectures, on the contrary, I interchanged alternately both phrases of life-system and life and world view in accordance with the special meaning predominating in my argumentation. See also Dr. Orr’s note on page 365.

2) R. Fruin, Tien jaren uit den tachtigjarigen oorlog, p. 151.

3) R. C. Bakhuizen van den Brink, Het huwelijk van Willem van Oranje met Anna van Saxen. 1853, p. 123: „Zoo al de laatste in tijdsorde, zoo was het Calvinisme de hoogste ontwikkelingsvorm van het Godsdienstig-staatkundig beginsel der zestiende eeuw. Zelfs de rechtzinnige staatkundigen dier eeuw, zagen met niet minder verachting en afschuw neder op den Geneefschen regeeringsvorm – als men het in onze dagen zou kunnen doen, wanneer een Staat het socialisme tot beginsel mocht aannemen. Een hervormingskamp, die zoo laat na het ontstaan der Hervorming kwam als dat bij ons, in Frankrijk en in Schotland plaats had, kon niet anders dan Calvinistisch en ten voordeele van het Calvinisme zijn.”.

4) Cd. Busken Huet, Het Land van Rembrandt, 2e druk, II. p. 223.
P. 159: „Was uit den aard der zaak de religie eene der hoofdzenuwen van den Kalvinistischen Staat” enz. (om andere redenen de negotie);
en p.10, noot 3: „De geschiedenis van onze vrijwording is voor een groot gedeelte geschiedenis van onze hervorming, en de geschiedenis van onze hervorming is grootendeels geschiedenis van de uitbreiding van het Kalvinisme”. Bakhuizen van den Brink, Studiën en Schetsen IV. 68. v.g.

5) Hist. of the United States of America, Ed. New York. II. p. 405. Cf. Von Polenz, Geschichte des französischen Protestantismus, 1857. I. p. VIII: Eine Geschichte . . . in welcher der Geist, den Luther in Frankreich geweckt, dieses mit Eigenem und Fremden genährt und gefördert, Calvin aber gereinigt, geregelt, gehütet, gestärkt, fixirt und als ein bewegendes Ferment über die Schranken des Raums und der Verhältnisse weiter getrieben hat, der in seinen mannigfachen Strahlen alle geschichtlichen Momente mehr oder weniger berührenden Brenn- und Lichtpunkt bildet. Nennen wir diesen Geist, uneisentlich und anachronistisch zwar, aber, da er ohne Calvin sich verflüchtigt haben würde, nicht unwahr, Calvinismus: so ist meine Geschichte, ausser der des französischen Calvinismus im engeren und eigentlichen Sinne, die seiner einwirkung auf Religion, Kirche, Sitte, Gesellschaft und sonstige Verhältnissen Frankreichs.
C.G. McCrie, The public Worship of Presbyterian Scotland, 1892. p. 95: It may lead some to attach value to these sentiments of Calvin if they know in what light the system which bears his stamp and his name is regarded by an Anglican Churchman of learning and insight, which give him a right to be heard in such a matter, “The 10 Protestant movement”, wrote Mark Pattison, “was saved from being sunk in the quicksands of doctrinal dispute chiefly by the new moral direction given to it in Geneva. “Calvinism saved Europe.””
P. Hume Brown. John Knox, 1895. p. 252: Of all the developments of Christianity, Calvinism and the Church of Rome alone bear the stamp of an absolute religion.
P. 257: The difference between Calvin and Castalio, and between Knox and the Ana-baptist, was not merely one of doctrine and dogma: their essential difference lay in the spirit with which they respectively regarded human society intself.
R. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877. p. 514, 5: There can be little question, in fact, that Calvinism, or some modification of its essential principles, is the form of religious faith that has been professed in the modern world by the most intelligent, moral, industrious, and freest of mankind.
Chambers, Encyclopaedia, Philadelphia, 1888. in voce Calvinism: “With the revival of the evangelical party in the end of the century Calvinism revived, and it still maintains, if not an absolute sway, yet a powerful influence over many minds in the Anglican establishment. It is one of the most living and powerful among the creeds of the Reformation.
Dr. C. Sylvester Horne, Evang. Magazine, Aug. 1898. New Calvinism, p. 375 v.v. and Dr. W. Hastie, Theology as Science, Glasgow 1899. p. 100-106: My apology and plea for the Reformed Theology, in presence of the other tendencies of the time, have been founded upon the two most general and fundamental points of creed that can be takem: the universality of its basis in human nature, as the condition of its method, and the universality of God, as the ground of its absolute truth.

A luta dos Boers43 na Transvaal44 contra um dos mais fortes poderes deve freqüentemente lembrar vocês de seu próprio passado. Naquilo que foi alcançado na Majuba,45 e recentemente por ocasião do confronto de Jameson, o heroísmo do velho Calvinismo foi de novo brilhantemente evidenciado. Se o Calvinismo não tivesse sido passado de nossos pais para seus descendentes africanos, nenhuma república livre teria surgido no sul do Continente Negro. Isto prova que o Calvinismo não está morto – que ele ainda carrega em seus germes a energia vital dos dias de sua primeira glória. Sim, assim como um grão de trigo do sarcófago dos Faraós, quando novamente confiados a guarda do solo, traz fruto a cem vezes mais, assim o Calvinismo ainda carrega em si um poder maravilhoso para o futuro das nações. E se nós, cristãos de ambos os continentes, ainda em nossa santa luta, ainda estamos esperando realizar ações heróicas marchando sob a bandeira da cruz contra o espírito dos tempos, somente o Calvinismo nos equipa com um princípio inflexível, pela força deste princípio, garantindo-nos uma vitória segura, embora longe de ser uma vitória fácil.

Борьба буров в Трансваале против одной из могущественнейших держав должно быть часто напоминает вам о вашем прошлом. В том, что достигнуто в Майюбе и недавно при отражении рейда Джеймсона, вновь ярко проявился героизм старого кальвинизма. Если бы кальвинизм не перешел от наших отцов к их потомкам в Африке, не было бы свободной республики на юге Черного континента. Это доказывает, что кальвинизм не умер, в нем все еще есть тот же источник жизненной силы, что и во времена его былых побед. Зерно пшеницы из фараонова саркофага, когда его снова бросают в землю, приносит стократный плод; так и кальвинизм все еще несет в себе удивительную силу для будущего народов. Если мы, христиане обоих континентов, в нашей священной борьбе все еще надеемся совершить великие дела под знаменем Креста, вопреки духу времени, то только кальвинизм вооружит нас незыблемым принципом, мощью его гарантируя верную, хотя и далеко не легкую победу.

1 Д-р Джеймс Орр в своих замечательных лекциях «О христианском понимании Бога и мира» (Эдинбург, 1897, с. 3) отмечает, что немецкий термин Weltanschauung не имеет точного эквивалента в английском. Поэтому он использовал буквальный перевод «мировоззрение», хотя это слово в английском имеет более узкий смысл — относящийся лишь к физическому миру. Поэтому более предпочтительным вариантом перевода было бы выражение «понимание бытия и мира». Мои американские друзья предложили, однако, более короткую фразу — «система воззрений на мир», которая за океаном часто используется именно в этом смысле. Поэтому, обращаясь к американцам, я использовал, хотя бы в заглавии первой лекции, именно эту фразу, которая предпочтительней более длинной, в самих же лекциях говорю и о «системе воззрений на мир», и о «понимании бытия и мира», смотря по тому, о чем идет речь. См. также с. 365.

2 Джордж Уитфилд — выдающийся проповедник, родился в Глостере, Англия, в 1714 году; умер в Америке в 1770 году.

3 К. Г. Маккри, «Богослужение в пресвитерианской Шотландии», 1892, с. 95. Ценность этих взглядов Кальвина могли бы оценить, если бы их узнали в том виде, в каком о ней говорят лучшие из англикан. «Протестантизм, — писал Марк Пэттисон, — был избавлен от гибели в зыбучих песках доктринальных споров благодаря нравственному направлению, заданному Женевой. Кальвинизм спас Европу». П. Ю. Браун, «Джон Нокс», 1895, с. 252. Из всех направлений христианства лишь кальвинизм и католичество можно назвать абсолютными религиями. С. 257. Разница между Кальвином и Кастеллио, между Ноксом и анабаптистами отнюдь не ограничивалась вопросами догматики; их принципиальное различие — в том, как они понимали человеческое общество. Р. Уиллис «Сервет и Кальвин», 1877, с. 514, 5. Без сомнений, самая образованная, нравственная, деятельная и свободная часть человечества исповедует либо сам кальвинизм, либо некие его разновидности, сохраняющие в неизменности его основные принципы. Чемберс, «Энциклопедия», 1888, статья «Кальвинизм». «С возрождением евангелического направления (в англиканской церкви) кальвинизм возродился и до сих пор имеет если не подавляющее, то, во всяком случае, довольно сильное влияние в высших церковных кругах англиканства. Это — одно из самых жизнеспособных и могучих направлений Реформации». Д-р К. Сильвестр Хорн, «Евангелический журнал», август 1898, «Новый кальвинизм», с. 375 и Др. Хейсти, «Богословская наука», Глазго, 1899, с. 100–106. Моя апология реформатского богословия по сравнению с другими теологическими тенденциями эпохи строится на двух глобальных и фундаментальных принципах: универсальности его основ для человека в том, что касается его методологии, и универсальности правды Божией в том, что касается его абсолютной истины.

4 Ян Бейкельзон, прозванный Иоанном Лейденским по названию города, где он родился в 1510 г., — голландский лидер анабаптистов, проявивший немалый фанатизм при взятии Мюнстера. Умер в 1536 г. Его приверженцы, семеро мужчин и три женщины, проводили ночное собрание в феврале 1535 г. в Амстердаме, когда их лидер Хендрик Хендрикс бросил одежду в огонь и приказал своим последователям сделать то же самое. По его повелению они последовали за ним, бегая по улицам и крича: «Горе, горе, горе! Отмщение Божие, отмщение Божие!» Вскоре их схватили, мужчинам отрубили голову, а женщин утопили, только одна спаслась. Возвещал, что он видел небеса, ад и Бога, и что приблизился судный день.

5 Арийцы, от санскр. слова «ария» — благородные. Так называли раньше индоевропейцев или индогерманцев. Термин иногда используется в широком смысле, означая всех потомков Иафета.

6 От слова «Аккад», вероятно — южный район Вавилонского царства (северный назывался Шумер). Некоторые считают, что это слово — не семитского происхождения. Ср. Быт. 10:10.

7 Кельты — представители западноевропейского ответвления арийцев, которое включает шотландских гэллов, ирландцев, кимров (валлийцев, корнваллийцев и бретонцев) и др. Римляне называли их галлами. Очевидно, они связаны с тевтонами. Неразборчивое употребление термина «кельт» привело к большой путанице.

8 Обитатели Уэльса, части Великобритании. По-голландски слово «валлиец» (Waalsch) означает иностранца. Валлийский язык относится к кимрским (см. предыдущее примечание).

9 Меланхтон и другие, по приказу Морица Саксонского, заключили перемирие (interim) в 1548 г. Католические обряды были объявлены делом личного выбора, лютеровых «Sola Fide» («…только верою») и «Sola Scriptura» («только Писание») старались избегать. Перемирие было, в сущности, промежуточной формой Аугсбургского перемирия, заключенного в том же году. В данном случае слово «interim» означает перемирие между немецкими католиками и немецкими протестантами.





Please send all questions and comments to Dmytro (Dima) Bintsarovskyi:
dbintsarovskyi@tukampen.nl

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